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CONTENTS    OF    No.    202.  VOL.    XXXIV. 

OCTOBER,    19O3. 

Frontispiece-KAKi   ANDI  K-.ON.  Narrative    of    a    Journey    from    St. 

The    Waste,  of  a   Great  City     JOHN  &M"K^ '"  X*"""*' 

\\   t,    ••.  \\ IURY,  Commissioner  of  Street 

Cleaninir,  New  York  City.      Illustrations  by  The   Witnesses.      MARY  R.   S.   ANDREWS. 

EDWIN  b.  CHILD.  Illustration  by  I!.  R.  CAM: 

Th!S  ^S  £<5£r  Eight    "' -<*  as^nSSSS  X™t 


What  They  are  There  for.  CYRUS  TOWN-       Falth.    Poem.    GEORGE  CABOT  LODGE. 

State  Universities.    W.  S.  HARWOOD. 

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ENGLISH    COUNTS   OF   THE    EMPIRE   .     J.  HORACE  ROUND       15 

MRS.  OSWALD  BARRON       26 



Two  important  printer's  errors  arc  pointed  out  for  correction. 

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Page  201,  line  15,  for  'childless'  read  'attainted.' 


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'  past '  read  '  part.' 
Page  269,  line  5,  for  'is'  read  '  make.' 


A   CHARTER   OF   GOSPATRIK      .     .     THE  REV.  F.  W.  RAGG  244 


JOHN  HOPE  and  the  EDITOR  248 



The  Copyright  of  all  the  Articles  and  1  lluttrationt 
in  thii  Review  is  strictly  reserved 






MRS.  OSWALD  BARRON        26 



CHAS.  E.  LART       45 



THE  RISE  OF  THE  POPHAMS  .  .  .  .  J.  HORACE  ROUND  59 


















A  CHARTER  OF  GOSPATRIK  .  .  THE  REV.  F.  W.  RAGC  244 


JOHN  HOPE  and  the  EDITOR  248 



The  Copyright  of  all  the  Articles  and  Illustration! 
in  this  Review  it  strictly  reserved 

.'I,,;?,,/.     //', 


JT  has  be*.-  .-;     r  stion  that  1  der- 


G  ,  j^noble  blood 

'...  ever  since  the  flood, 

on  have  been  fool*  ?o  long. 


;e  who  have  2  perse 

ave  had  a  other  documents  which  others 

aght  riot  r 

the  name  of  Massingberd 
vriters  who 

i    must  have  Massingberg.     But 

1  Berde '  or  '  herd  '  was  uc 

and  Wycliffe,  and  e  late  as  • 

ears  ago  the  country  people,  among  whom 
s  often  preserved,  used  to  write  and  pron< 

.rJ,  as  we  fi 
!    1592.      '  MJT 

may  denote 

rku — a  man  with  a  '  br.. 
'd  son  of  Mars. 
:rs  were  attach  t 
Vlgerkyrk  of  a  pie,- 


IT  has  been  with  considerable  hesitation  that  I  have  under- 
taken to  write  an  account  of  my  own  family.     Nothing  is 
more  contemptible  than  mere  pride  of  family,  so  well  satirized 
by  Pope  : — 

Go,  if  your  ancient,  but  ignoble  blood 

Has  crept  through  scoundrels  ever  since  the  flood, 

Go,  and  proclaim  your  family  is  young, 

Nor  own  your  fathers  have  been  fools  so  long. 

But  the  history  of  private  families  is  a  subject  of  interest 
beyond  those  whom  at  first  sight  it  seems  to  concern  :  it 
connects  itself  with  that  of  the  district,  and  of  the  times,  they 
have  lived  in,  while  their  gradual  rise,  or  their  sudden  ex- 
tinction, equally  afford  matter  for  contemplation.  Moreover, 
there  are  some  who  think  that  family  history  is  best  written 
by  those  who  have  a  personal  interest  in  it,  and  in  this  case  I 
have  had  access  to  charters  and  other  documents  which  others 
might  not  find  it  so  easy  to  search. 

As  regards  the  etymology  of  the  name  of  Massingberd 
opinions  seem  to  differ.  There  are  writers  who  insist  upon 
giving  to  the  name  a  foreign  origin,  and  with  that  object  assert 
that  it  must  have  been  originally  spelt  Massingberg.  But 
the  facts  are  strongly  against  them ;  the  earliest  notices  of  the 
name  as  well  as  the  later  are  alike  in  favour  of  the  present 
spelling.  '  Berde '  or  *  berd  '  was  used  for  *  beard '  down  to 
the  times  of  Chaucer  and  Wycliffe,  and  even  as  late  as  thirty 
or  forty  years  ago  the  country  people,  among  whom  a  correct 
tradition  is  often  preserved,  used  to  write  and  pronounce  the 
name  Massingfortra',  as  we  find  it  in  the  Visitation  Pedigrees 
1562  and  1592.  'Maessing'  is  said  to  signify  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  c  brass,'  so  may  denote  that  the  first  who  bore  the  name 
was  abenobarbus — a  man  with  a  '  brazen  beard.' 

In  1288  Richard  son  of  Margaret  of  Suterton,  Lambert 
Massyngberd  and  others  were  attached  to  answer  to  Walter 
son  of  Alexander  of  Algerkyrk  of  a  plea  why  they  assaulted 


him  at  Algerkyrk  by  force  of  arms,  and  beat  him,  to  the  grave 
damage  of  the  same  Walter,  and  against  the  peace.1 
In  1368  we  find  this  document : — 

Edward  by  the  Grace  of  God  King  of  England,  Lord  of  Ireland  and 
Aquitaine,  to  the  sheriff  of  Lincoln  greeting.  Command  John  son  of  Walter 
Shephird  of  Soterton,  that  justly  and  without  delay  he  render  to  Hugh 
Massyngberd  of  Soterton,  and  to  Lambert  his  brother,  one  acre  and  a  half  oi 
land  with  appurtenances  in  Soterton,  which  William  Sourale,  senior,  gave  to 
Alan  son  of  Lambert  Massyngberd  in  free  marriage  with  Athelina  daughter  of 
the  same  William.  And  which  after  the  death  of  the  aforesaid  Alan  and 
Atheline  ought  to  descend  by  the  form  of  the  aforesaid  gift,  as  they  say,  to 
the  aforesaid  Hugh  and  Lambert,  the  sons  and  heirs  of  the  same  Alan  and 
Athelina,  etc. 

Witness  ourself  at  Westminster  15  Feb.  in  the  4znd  year  of  our  reign.* 

Thus  we  learn  that  Lambert  Massingberd,  who  lived  in 
the  time  of  King  Edward  I.,  had  a  son  Alan,  who  married 
Athelina  daughter  of  William  Sourale,  and  had  two  sons, 
Hugh  and  Lambert. 

Alan  Massingberd's  name  appears  under  Sutterton  in  the 
Subsidy  Rolls  of  i  Edw.  III.  and  6  Edw.  III.3  In  1333 
Lucy  daughter  of  Thomas  Sourale  complained  that  Geoffrey 
Merlyn,  Thomas  de  Multon  of  Fraunketon,  knt.,  Alan 
Massyngberd,  and  others  imprisoned  her  at  Algerkirk,  took 
her  as  a  prisoner  to  Fraunketon,  detained  her  there,  and  car- 
ried off  her  goods  at  Algerkirk.* 

Alan's  widow  in  1359  claimed  certain  lands  in  Algarkirk 
as  her  dower.  In  1 406  Thomas  Symond  of  Soterton  by  his  at- 
torney offers  himself  the  fourth  day  against  Hugh  Massyngberd, 
Lambert  Massyngberd,  and  John  Leke  of  Soterton,  of  a  plea 
why  the  corn  in  the  sheafs  of  the  same  Thomas  to  the  value 
of  405.  at  Soterton  were  by  force  and  arms  depastured,  trod- 
den down  and  consumed.  And  they  did  not  come,  and  the 
sheriff  was  commanded  to  attach  them,  etc.  And  he  now 
reports  that  they  have  nothing  :  therefore  let  them  be  taken, 
etc.,  that  they  be  here  within  1 5  days  from  Easter  Day.5 

About  this  time  Hugh's  son,  Thomas  Massingberd,  left 

1  De  Banco  Roll,  75,  m.  101,  Mich.  16-17  Edw.  I. 

J  Quoted  by  Robert  Dale,  Suffolk  Herald,  in  his  manuscript,  '  Genealogical 
History  of  the  Most  Ancient  Family  of  Massingberd,'  compiled  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  eighteenth  century. 

3  Lay  Subsidy  Rolls,  Lincoln,  *f£  and  \'r- 

*  Ca/.  of  Patent  Rolls,  1330-4,  p.  496. 

*  De  Banco  Roll,  580,  Hilary,  7  Hen.  IV. 


Sutterton  for  Burgh,  having,  according  to  the  Lincolnshire 
Visitation  Pedigree  1562,  married  Juliana  daughter  and  heir 
of  Thomas  Bernak.  And  we  find  Thomas  having  c  common 
in  le  north  common  of  Burgh  '  in  I4IO.1  In  1414  Thomas 
Massingberd  of  Burgh  was  witness  to  a  charter  of  William 
Buttercake,  and  in  February,  1434-5,  he  quitclaimed  certain 
lands  in  Burgh,  etc.,  to  Thomas  Whetecroft.2 

The  lands  at  Sutterton  seem  to  have  been  parted  with,  but 
the  '  Massingberd  Chapel '  in  Sutterton  Church  still  com- 
memorates the  early  home  of  the  family. 

The  Bernak  marriage  is  of  interest.  Thomas  Bernak's 
father  was  Gilbert,  brother  of  Sir  William  Bernak,  the  hus- 
band of  Alice,  daughter  of  Robert  de  Driby  and  Joan  de 
Tattershall.  His  mother  is  said  by  Dale  to  have  been  Agnes 
daughter  and  heir  of  Owen  Mablethorpe.  His  grandfather 
was  Sir  Hugh  Bernak,  and  his  grandmother  Maud  daughter 
and  co-heir  of  Sir  William  de  Woodthorpe.3  And  in  an 
illuminated  pedigree,  compiled  in  1655  for  Henry  Massing- 
berd, esqr.,  and  given  by  Sir  William  Massingberd  to  Burrell 
Massingberd,  as  after  his  death  the  male  representative  of 
the  family,  these  quarterings  are  in  the  Massingberd  arms — 
Bernak  (a  crescent  for  a  difference),  Woodthorpe  and  Mable- 
thorpe. The  Bratoft  and  Arden  arms  were  quartered  after 
the  marriage  of  Sir  Thomas  Massingberd  with  Joan  daughter 
and  heir  of  John  Bratoft.  And  the  second  Massingberd  coat, 
viz.  gold  a  cross  gules  with  the  ends  cut  off  between  four  lions 
sable  and  with  five  escallops  gold  upon  the  cross,  is  said  to 
have  been  acquired  by  Sir  Thomas  Massingberd,  who  became 
a  knight  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  on  the  death  of  his  wife. 
The  son  and  grandson  of  Thomas  Massingberd  continued  to 
reside  at  Burgh.  Robert,  his  son  and  heir,  married  Agnes, 
daughter  and  heir  of  Robert  Halliday  of  Burgh,  by  whom  he 
had  five  sons.  Of  these  Thomas  is  stated  by  Dale  to  have 
married  Elizabeth,  daughter  and  co-heir  of  Thomas  Lord 

1  Court  Rolls  of  the  manor  of  Candlesby  at  Magdalen  College,  Oxford. 

*  Charters  at  Gunby  Hall. 

3  The  following  Fine  shows  Hugh  de  Bernak  in  possession  of  lands  at 
Woodthorpe  in  right  of  his  wife,  Feet  of  Fines,  Lincoln,  file  45  (73),  47 
Hen.  III.  (iz6z).  Between  Hugh  de  Bernak  and  Maude  his  wife,  Peter  de 
Kyrketon  and  Elizabeth  his  wife,  Richard  de  Marisco  and  Alma  his  wife, 
plaintiffs,  and  Roger,  prior  of  Markeby,  tenant,  of  eight  acres  of  land  in  Wude- 
thorp.  Remise  and  quitclaim  to  the  prior  for  themselves  and  the  heirs  of 
their  wives. 


Hoo  and  Hastings  by  Eleanor  his  wife,  daughter  of  Lion, 
Lord  Welles,  and  the  following  document  seems  to  confirm 
the  statement : — 

This  indenture  made  2  July,  1 7  Henry  VII.,  between  Thomas  Fenys 
(Fiennes),  knt.,  and  Richard  Devenysh,  esqr.  of  the  one  part,  and  Anne 
Massyngberd,  daughter  and  heir  of  Thomas  Massyngberd,  of  the  other  part, 
witnesseth,  that  the  said  Anne  hath  bargained  and  sold,  etc.,  to  the  said 
Thomas,  and  Richard,  all  the  right,  title,  etc.,  which  she  hath  in  the  manor 
of  Morehale  with  appurtenances  in  the  shire  of  Sussex,  and  all  other  land 
which  the  sd  Anne  possesseth  in  other  parishes  in  Sussex.1 

Elizabeth  married  secondly  Sir  John  Devenish,  knt.  Richard, 
son  and  heir  of  Robert  Massingberd,  married  Maud,  daughter 
of  Thomas  Kyme  of  Friskney,  and  had  also  five  sons,  of 
whom  Christopher  became  Chancellor  of  Lincoln  in  1532  and 
Archdeacon  of  Stow  in  i543>  and  dying  in  1553  was  buried 
in  Lincoln  Cathedral  in  the  south  aisle  where  was  a  '  marble 
whereon  a  brass,  and  escocheon  with  four  coats,  viz. : — 

1.  Azure  three  cinqfoils  gold  and  a  golden  boar  passant 
in  the  chief  with  a  cross  formy  gules  upon  him.     MASSINGBERD. 

2.  Three  helms  and  a  border  engrailed.     HALLIDAY. 

3.  A  fesse.     BERNAK.. 

4.  Three  crescents  lying  bendwise  between  two  cotises.' 2 
John   Massingberd  of  Calais,   another  son,  is   mentioned 

several  times  in  Letters  and  Papers  Foreign  and  Domestic. 
In  1534  Lord  Lisle  writes  from  Calais  to  Cromwell  that  John 
Massingberd  is  of  the  king's  retinue.  A  view  was  taken 
i  August,  1534,  by  Lord  Lisle,  Deputy,  Sir  Robert  Wynge- 
fylde,  and  John  Massingberd,  alderman,  commissioners  in  this 
behalf,  of  such  things  as  need  reparation  for  the  sure  defence 
of  the  town  of  Calais.  And  amongst  those  who  provided 
'  Lodginges  for  the  French  Kinge  within  the  towne  of  Calays ' 
on  the  occasion  of  the  famous  interview  between  Henry  VIII. 
with  Francis  I.  in  1532  was  John  Massingberd. 

The  eldest  son  and  heir  of  Richard,  afterwards  Sir  Thomas 
Massingberd,  knt.,  married  Joan,  daughter  and  eventually 
sole  heir  of  John  Bratoft  of  Bratoft  Hall.  In  1495  Agnes, 
widow  of  Richard  Braytoft  of  Gunby,  deceased,  quitclaimed 
to  Thomas  Massingberd  and  Joan  his  wife,  and  the  heirs  of 
Joan,  all  right  in  lands  in  Braytoft,  Gunby,  Thedylthorp,  or 
elsewhere  in  the  county  of  Lincoln,  which  lately  belonged  to  her 

1  Close  Roll,  17  Hen.  VII.  No.  i. 
3  Bishop  Saunderson's  Survey. 


said  husband,  except  certain  lands  assigned  to  her  in  his  last 
will.1  Richard  Braytoft  was  grandfather  to  Joan  and  Agnes 
her  sister,  who  was  prioress  of  Crabhouse  in  Norfolk,  and  it 
seems  that  Thomas  Massingberd  and  his  wife  had  removed 
to  Bratoft  Hall  before  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Sir 
Thomas  was  amongst  those  who  were  made  Knights  of  the 
Sword,  30  May,  1533,  on  the  coronation  of  Queen  Anne 
Boleyn.2  He  had  four  sons,  of  whom  Oswald  became  a 
Knight  of  the  Order  of  S.  John  of  Jerusalem.  As  his  signa- 
ture is  found  8  April,  1522,  to  a  resolution  of  an  assembly  of 
the  English  Tongue,3  it  seems  that  he  took  part  in  the  famous 
siege  o?  Rhodes,  and  in  c  the  yielding  equal  to  a  conquest,' 
when  the  brave  Grand  Master  and  his  knights,  20  December, 
1522,  surrendered  the  island  they  had  so  long  defended 
against  vastly  superior  numbers  to  the  Turkish  Sultan,  Soly- 

In  1543  Sir  Oswald  Massingberd  was  elected  Lieutenant 
Turcopolier,  in  1 547  he  was  nominated  Prior  of  Ireland  under 
certain  conditions,  and  when  that  office  was  confirmed  to  him 
by  Queen  Mary  he  was  allowed  the  dignity  by  Bull  of  the 
Grand  Master,  2  August,  1554  ;  but  he  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  given  actual  possession  of  the  priory  of  Kilmainham* 
until  1557,  and  in  the  second  year  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign 
an  Act  was  passed 5  for  the  Restitution  of  the  late  Priory  or 
Hospital  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  in  Ireland  and  all  manors 
to  the  Imperial  Crown.  Not  appearing  before  the  Lord 
Deputy  Sir  Oswald  was  {  attainted  Traytor  of  High  Treason,' 
and  as  nothing  more  is  known  of  him  it  may  be  concluded 
that  he  passed  his  last  days  in  exile. 

Sir  Thomas  Massingberd  died  25  May,  1552,  and  was 
buried  in  Gunby  Church,  where  is  a  fine  brass  with  this  in- 
scription : — 

Sr  Thomas  Massyngberde  knight  and  dame  Johan  hys  wyfe  specyale  desyrcs 
all  resuabull  creatures  of  your  charyte  to  gyfe  lawde  and  prays  unto  .  .  . 
queen  of  cverlastyng  lyfe  wyth  .  .  . 

The  authorities  say  that  from  the  costume  the  brass  must 
have  been  engraved  c.  1400-5,  but  its  earlier  history  is  un- 

1  Charter  at  Gunby  Hall. 

3  Col.  of  Letters  and  Papert  Foreign  and  Domestic,  vol.  vi. 
Facsimiles  of  Records  in  the  Knights'  Library  at  Malta. 

4  Commissary  Letters  of  Cardinal  Pole. 
*  Irish  Statutes,  1560,  chap.  viii. 


known.  Of  five  shields  two  only  remain,  one  with  the  old 
Massingberd  arms,  the  other  with  the  same  impaling  a  coat 
now  destroyed. 

Augustin  Massingberd,  eldest  son  of  Sir  Thomas,  married 
Margaret  daughter  of  Robert  Elrington  of  Hoxton,  co. 
Middlesex,  and  had  four  sons.  Of  these  William  had  a  grand- 
son, John  Massingberd,  who  became  an  eminent  merchant  in 
London  and  treasurer  of  the  East  India  Company.  He  re- 
sided at  Tooting  in  the  parish  of  Streatham,  and  dying 
23  November,  1653,  was  buried  at  Streatham,  where  a  monu- 
ment was  erected  in  the  church  bearing  the  following  inscrip- 
tion : — 

Here  lyeth  the  Body  of  John 

Massingberd  Esquire  who  departed 

this  Life  the  xxiij  of  November  MDCLIII 

leaving  Coecilia  his  Wife  with  Two 

Daughters  Elizabeth  and  Mary.     The 

Elder  married,  some  years  before,  to 

George  Berkeley,  only  son  of  the 

Lord  Berkeley  :  the  younger  since 

to  Robert  Lord  Willoughby,  eldest 

son  of  the  Earle  of  Lyndsey. 

John,  another  son  of  Augustin,  married  Dorothy,  relict  of 
Ralph,  second  son  of  William  Quadring  of  Irby,  and  eldest 
daughter  of  Sir  Robert  Hussey  of  Linwood,  lent.,  and  one  of 
the  coheirs  to  her  mother  Anne,  a  daughter  and  coheir  to 
Sir  Thomas  Say  of  Listen,  co.  Essex,  brother  of  Sir  William 
Say.  John  Massingberd  and  Dorothy  his  wife,  with  others, 
the  heirs  of  Sir  William  Say,  levied  a  fine,  Hilary,  1569,  of 
the  manor  of  Benington,  Herts,  to  the  use  of  Walter 
Devereux,  Lord  Viscount  Hereford  ;  and  by  deed  10  July, 
1573,  they  sold  to  Anthony  Crane  all  the  estate  of  the  said 
John,  and  Dorothy,  one  of  the  coheirs  of  Lady  Ann 
Bourchier,  deceased,  or  of  Sir  William  Say,  knt.,  deceased,  in 
the  manor  of  Wickham  Hall.1 

Augustin  Massingberd  purchased  before  1538  Crescy, 
alias  Markham's  manor  in  Bratoft,  but  died  17  February, 
1550,  before  his  father.  So  that  Sir  Thomas  was  succeeded 
by  his  grandson  *  Thomas,  who  was  elected  M.P.  for  Calais 
9  February,  1552-3."  He  is  said  to  have  gone  out  of  Eng- 

1  Clutterbuck's  History  of  Herts,  iii.  412. 

2  Chancery  Inqs.  p.m.  4  Edw.  VI.  pt.  2,  No.  46,  and  6  Edw.  VI.  pt.  2, 
No-  *S-  3  Blue  Book,  i  March,  1878. 

n.  1615.     D.  1689. 


land  in  Queen  Mary's  day  on  account  of  his  religion,  whither 
he  returned  after  her  decease.  He  had  by  his  first  wife  Alice, 
daughter  and  heir  of  Richard  Bevercotes  of  Newark,  through 
whom  he  acquired  a  considerable  access  of  fortune,  three  sons 
and  three  daughters,  and  by  his  second  wife,  Dorothy,  daugh- 
ter of  Richard  Ballard  of  Orby,  one  son  and  three  daughters. 
He  made  his  will  27  August,  1584,  and  it  was  proved  25 
November,  1584,  he  being  buried  at  Gunby  3  September, 

His  eldest  son  and  heir,  another  Thomas,  had  resided  at 
Saltfleetby  during  his  father's  lifetime,  and,  as  Thomas 
Massingberd  of  Saltfletbie,  settled  the  manor  of  Bratoft  Hall 
in  the  parish  of  Gunby,  and  Markham  manor  in  Bratoft,  on 
his  father  for  the  term  of  his  natural  life,  with  remainder  to 
himself,  15  July,  1574.'  He  married  Frances,  daughter  of 
George  Fitzwilliam  of  Mablethorpe,  by  whom  he  had  three 
sons  and  nine  daughters.  He  died  n  September,  1621, 
leaving  Thomas  Massingberd  his  son  and  heir  of  the  age  of 
56  years  and  more.3  This  Thomas  was  a  barrister-at-law,  and 
resided  some  time  at  Louth.  He  married  Frances,  daughter 
of  Robert  Halton  of  Clee  and  of  Joan  his  wife,  daughter  of 
John  Draner  of  Hoxton,  co.  Middlesex,  and  sister  and  heir  of 
Thomas  Draner  of  the  same  place.  He  died  suddenly  on  his 
way  to  church,  being  buried  at  Gunby  6  November,  1636. 
Out  of  three  sons  two  survived  him,  Henry  and  Draner. 
Henry  was  baptized  at  Gunby,  28  August,  1609  ;  in  1627  he 
was  admitted  as  Fellow-Commoner  at  Christ's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, and  was  entered  at  the  Inner  Temple  7  June,  1629. 
He  married,  13  December,  1632,  Elizabeth,  youngest  daugh- 
ter of  William  Lister  of  Rippingale  and  Coleby.  His  six 
sons  by  this  marriage  died  unmarried.  Of  three  daughters 
Frances  married,  first,  George  Saunderson  of  South  Thoresby, 
cousin  to  George  Lord  Viscount  Castleton  ;  secondly,  John 
Bond  of  Revesby  ;  thirdly,  Timothy  Hildyard  ;  and  Eliza- 
beth married  2  June,  1662,  at  East  Barnet,  Herts,  Sir  Nicholas 
Stoughton,  bart.s  Henry  Massingberd  married,  secondly, 
Anne  relict  of  Nicholas  Stoughton  of  Stoughton,  uncle  of 

1  Charter  at  Gunby  Hall. 

1  Chancery  Inq.  p.m.  19  James  I.  pt.  2,  No.  73. 

3  Add.  MS.  6,174.  Sir  N.  Stoughton's  Papers.  The  marriage  settle- 
ment of  Frances  Stoughton,  1693,  and  will  of  Sarah  Stoughton,  1702,  are 
at  Gunby. 


Sir  Nicholas,  and  daughter  and  eventually  sole  heir  of  William 
Evans  by  Margaret  his  wife,  daughter  of  Robert  Wake,  fifth 
son  of  Thomas  Wake  of  Hartwell.  A  property  at  Potters- 
grove,  co.  Beds,  was  30  June,  1652,  settled  on  Anne,  wife  of 
Henry  Massingberd,and  sister  and  sole  heir  of  John  Evans,  esq., 
deceased,  for  life,  with  remainder  to  William  her  son,  but  was 
sold  to  Wriothesley,  Duke  of  Bedford,  in  1 707,  for  £5, 940.' 
Under  her  marriage  settlement  26  May,  1 1  Car.  I.,a  Anne 
had  the  mansion  house  of  Stoughton  for  life,  and  she  and  her 
second  husband  resided  there  at  first,  but  released  their  rights 3 
to  Nicholas  Stoughton,  son  and  heir  of  Anthony,  9  January, 
1655,  for  ^3,250.  By  this  lady  Henry  had  three  sons  and 
one  daughter.  He  married  as  his  third  wife  27  November, 
1679,  Elizabeth,  eldest  daughter  of  Thomas  Rayner,  for  whom 
he  provided  a  jointure  out  of  a  lease  for  500  years  of  the 
manors  of  Peverells  and  Thwaites  in  Paston,  co.  Northamp- 
ton.* By  this  marriage  he  had  a  son  who  died  an  infant. 

Dale,  no  doubt  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the 
family  at  the  time  he  wrote,  states  that  Henry  Massingberd 
1  retired  into  France  during  some  time  of  the  Confusions  con- 
sequent on  the  Grand  Rebellion,  having  alway  preserved  an 
inviolable  allegiance  to  his  Lawfull  Sovereign,  and  was  there- 
fore upon  the  Restauration  of  the  Royal  Family  most  de- 
servedly promoted  to  the  Degree  and  Dignity  of  a  Baronet 
among  many  other  Loyal  Persons  by  Letters  Patent  bearing 
date  at  Westmr  22  Aug.  1660.'  Unfortunately  for  his  accu- 
racy it  is  not  only  well  known  that  Henry,  together  with 
Draner  his  brother,  was  indicted  for  high  treason  at  Grantham 
in  1 643,  but  he  was  high  sheriff3  for  Lincolnshire  during  the 
time  of  the  Commonwealth  (1654-5),  and  moreover  was 
created  a  baronet  by  Oliver  Cromwell  in  1658,  the  patent 
being  now  at  Gunby,  and  the  preamble  stating  that  this 
honour  was  conferred  '  as  well  for  his  faithfulness  and  good 
affection  to  us  and  his  country,  as  for  his  descent,  patrimony, 
ample  estate  and  ingenious  education,  every  way  answerable, 
who  out  of  a  liberal  mind  hath  undertaken  to  maintain  thirty 
foot  soldiers  in  our  dominion  of  Ireland  for  three  whole  years.' 

1  Deeds  at  Gunby.     There  was  another  estate  at  Southhill,  Beds. 
a  Add.  MS.  6,174.  3  Deed  at  Gunby. 

4  Settlement  at  Gunby. 

5  Draner     Massingberd's    Sheriff's     Roll    mentions     (1655-6)     'Henry 
Massingberd,  esq.,  late  sheriff.' 

B.  1780,  u.  1835. 

BF.NNKT  LANT.TON  OF  LANGTON,  B.   1736,  n    1801. 

fix  Sir  Joshua  Rtynolds.  I'.K.A. 


By  Sir  Josliu.,  Kf,',i,,,  I'.K.rl. 

H.  1677.     i>.  1723. 


It  is  true  however  that  Henry  obtained  a  pass  1 6  September, 
1646,  to  go  abroad  ;  but  he  certainly  returned  afterwards, 
though  by  some  means  or  other  he  ingratiated  himself  into 
favour  at  the  Restoration,  and  was  re-created  a  baronet.  He 
died  in  1680,  and  was  buried  at  Gunby  18  September;  his 
widow  married  William  Ash,  and  they  resided  at  Paston. 
Sir  Henry's  successor  was  his  only  surviving  son  by  his 
second  wife,  Sir  William  Massingberd,  second  baronet.  He 
married  1 1  July,  1673,  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Richard  Wynne, 
by  whom  he  had  three  sons  and  nine  daughters,  most  of  whom 
died  as  infants.  He  was  high  sheriff  for  Beds  6-7  William 
and  Mary,  but  died  in  1719,  leaving  a  son  and  heir,  Sir  William 
Massingberd,  third  and  last  baronet.  He  was  elected  M.P. 
for  the  county  of  Lincoln  in  1722,'  but  died  unmarried  at 
his  house  in  Golden  Square  i  December  the  same  year. 

There  being  no  male  descendants  left  of  the  first  baronet, 
the  baronetcy  expired,  while  the  estates  passed  under  a  settle- 
ment2 19  November,  1723,  to  his  sister  Elizabeth,  wife  of 
Thomas  Meux,  for  life,  with  remainder  to  William  Meux  her 
son  in  tail  male,  and  in  default  to  his  brothers  Richard  and 
Thomas  successively  in  tail  male.  Richard  Meux  is  the  an- 
cestor of  the  present  baronet  of  the  name.  William  Meux, 
the  eldest  son,  succeeded  to  the  estates,  and  took  the  name 
and  arms  of  Massingberd  in  1738.  His  grandson,  Henry 
Massingberd  of  Gunby,  dying  in  1784,  left  an  only  daughter 
and  heiress,  Elizabeth  Mary  Anne,  who  married  Peregrine 
Langton,3  second  son  of  Bennet  Langton  of  Langton  and 
Mary  Dowager  Countess  of  Rothes  his  wife.  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Peregrine  Langton  obtained  licence  from  the  Crown  to  assume 
the  name  and  bear  the  arms  of  Massingberd  only,  with  due 
distinctions,  the  arms  *  to  be  *  Azure  three  quatrefoils,  2 
and  i,  in  chief  a  boar  passant  or  :  for  a  difference  a  canton 
erminois '  ;  '  the  crest,  a  lion's  head  erased  azure,  charged 
with  two  arrows  in  saltire,  argent,  between  four  guttes  d'Eau  : 
for  difference,  surmounted  by  an  escallop  or.'  Of  their  four 
sons  Algernon  Langton  Massingberd,  the  eldest,  married 
6  December,  1827,  Caroline  Goldsworthy,  daughter  of 
William  Pearce  of  Weasingham  Hall,  Norfolk,  and  succeeded 
to  his  mother's  estates.  He  died  24  September,  1844,  and 

1   Blue  Book.  '  At  Gunby. 

3  Act  of  Parliament  9  June,  1 809. 
*  So  exemplified  by  Sir  Isaac  Heard,  knt.,  Garter. 


his  only  son  and  heir  Algernon  is  supposed  to  have  been  shot 
on  the  Amazon  River  in  July,  1855.  He  was  succeeded  by 
his  uncle,  Charles  Langton  Massingberd,  who  by  his  first  wife 
Harriet  Anne,  daughter  of  Richard  Langford,  left  two  daugh- 
ters. He  married,  secondly,  Harriet  daughter  of  Sir  Robert 
William  Newman,  first  baronet,  of  Mamhead,  who  survives 
him.  Dying  9  February,  1887,  he  was  succeeded  by  his 
eldest  daughter,  Emily  Caroline,  who  had  married  Edmund 
only  son  of  Rev.  Charles  Langton,  and  whose  only  son 
Stephen  now  resides  at  Gunby  and  owns  the  estate. 

Returning  to  the  male  line  of  the  family  we  find  that 
Draner,  otherwise  Drayner,  Massingberd,  youngest  son  of 
Thomas  Massingberd  or  Bratoft  and  Frances  Halton,  his  wife, 
born  ii  December,  1615,  was  admitted  into  the  Society  of  the 
Inner  Temple  11  May,  1633.  He  seems  to  have  inherited  a 
considerable  fortune  through  his  maternal  grandmother  Joan, 
sister  and  heir  of  Thomas  Draner  of  Hoxton,  who  settled 
upon  him  the  manor  of  Hinxworth,  Herts.  This  fortune 
enabled  him  to  purchase  Ormsby  of  Willoughby  Skipwith  in 

All  papers  that  would  show  that  Drayner  Massingberd 
actually  fought  against  the  forces  of  the  king  during  the  Great 
Rebellion  have  been  carefully  destroyed,  but  there  is  no  doubt 
that  he  raised  a  troop  of  horse  in  the  service  of  the  Parliament, 
and  the  tradition  can  hardly  be  wrong  that  he  commanded  it 
himself.  It  seems  to  have  been  for  this  reason  that  he  received 
a  special  pardon  from  Charles  II.  at  the  Restoration.  There 
is  also  at  Ormsby  Hall  a  rare  copy  of  the  banners  and  devices 
of  the  leaders  on  either  side,  in  which  is  the  flag  of  Captain 
Massingberd  with  a  scroll,  on  which  is  written  : — 


The  justification  he  would  set  forth  for  taking  up  arms  against 
his  king  appears  in  an  entry  in  a  copy  of  the  works  of  Machia- 
velli,  where  beneath  his  signature  he  writes  : — '  Justum  est 
bellum,  quibus  necessarium,  et  pia  arma,  quibus  nisi  in  armis 
spes  est.' 

He  was  colonel  of  a  troop  of  horse  under  the  Common- 
wealth in  1650,' and  High  Sheriff  for  Lincolnshire  for  two 

1  Cal.  of  State  Papers  (Domestic),  1650. 

B.  1683,  i).  1728. 


years,1  1655-6,  1656-7.  And  yet  at  the  Restoration  he  not 
only  received  a  pardon,  but  was  knighted  17  February,  1661. 
Drayner  Massingberd  married  first  Elizabeth,  daughter  and 
coheir  of  Abraham  Burrell  of  Medloe,  co.  Hunts,  the  marriage 
settlement1  bearing  date  20  May,  1651,  by  whom  he  had  no 
issue,  though  the  manor  of  Medloe  was  settled  on  him  and  his 
issue  male.  He  married  secondly  Anne,  daughter  of  Henry 
Mildmay  of  Graces  in  the  parish  of  Little  Badow,  co.  Essex, 
the  marriage  settlement3  being  dated  25  November,  1678,  by 
whom  he  had  two  sons  and  four  daughters.  Dying  1 1  May, 
1689,  aged  73,  he  left  his  son  and  heir,  Burrell,  under  age. 
He  was  educated  at  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge,  and  as 
early  as  1704  had  thoughts  of  enlarging  his  Lincolnshire 
estates  by  selling  Hinxworth  to  provide  part  of  the  money,  and 
in  1715  he  purchased  Driby.  He  married  Philippa,  daughter 
of  Francis  Mundy  of  Osbaston,  co.  Leicester,  and  Markeaton, 
co.  Derby,  the  marriage  settlement2  being  dated  7  July,  1714, 
by  whom  he  had  two  sons.  Philippa  was  an  intimate  friend  of 
Lady  Mary  Wortley  Montagu,  several  of  whose  letters  are 
preserved  at  Ormsby,  among  them  the  following  letter  of  con- 
gratulations on  her  marriage  : — 

My  dear  Phil,  (for  so  I  will  still  call  you)  tis  impossible  to  have  heard 
any  news  wth  more  satisfaction  than  I  did  y1  of  your  happynesse,  and  y° 
obliging  complem'  you  make  me  of  having  contributed  to  it.  I  do  not  doubt 
the  continuation  of  it,  as  I  know  you  have  every  Quality  to  make  a  good 
Husband  as  well  as  a  passionate  Lover.  I  confesse,  contrary  to  y'  generallity 
of  my  sex,  I  am  of  opinion,  y'  both  good  and  ill  Husbands  are  their  wives 
makeing,  for  as  Folly  is  y°  root  of  all  matrimonial  Quarrells  y'  distemp'  com- 
monly runs  highest  of  yc  womans  side.  I  have  nothing  of  y'  nature  to  fear 
from  you,  y'  good  humour  and  good  sense  will  raise  the  esteem  of  Mr.  Mas- 
singberd every  day,  and  as  your  Beauty  grows  Familiar  to  his  eyes,  y'  conduct 
and  conversation  will  fix  his  Love  on  a  Foundation  y'  will  last  for  ever. 
W'ever  Romances  and  heat  of  youth  impose  on  yc  minds  of  young  people 
Passion  is  soon  sated,  and  a  real  friendship  and  natural  value,  the  only  tye  y' 
makes  Life  pass  easily  on,  w"  2  Friends  agree  to  lessen  each  others  care,  and 
joyn  in  promoteing  one  and  y*  same  Interest.  I  am  extreamly  glad  my  dear 
Phil  you  are  happy  in  a  Husband  capable  of  this  friendship.  I  do  not  doubt 
Mr.  Massingberd  being  sensible  of  yc  Advantage  he  has  above  the  rest  of  man- 
kind, for  tis  a  thing  more  uncommon  and  a  greater  Blessing  to  marry  a  reason- 
able woman  than  a  fortune  of  £10,000.  I  am  my  dear  Mrs.  Massingberd 
w*  a  sincere  pleasure  in  yr  happynesse,  faithfully  yours,  M.W.M.' 

1  Sheriff's  Roll  at  Ormsby.  Order  of  attachment  in  collections  of  E.  L. 
Grange,  esq. 

1  At  Ormsby. 


Burrell  Massingberd  died  in  1728  at  the  comparatively 
early  age  of  44,  being  the  only  owner  of  Ormsby  who  died  in 
the  eighteenth  century.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son 
and  heir,  William  Burrell  Massingberd,  who  was  only  eight 
years  old  at  his  father's  death.  He  was  High  Sheriff  for  the 
county  of  Lincoln  1744-5.  In  December,  1745,  he  went  to 
meet  Prince  Charles  Edward  at  Derby,  but  was  sent  home, 
bearing  with  him  the  miniature  of  that  prince  which  is  still  to 
be  seen  at  the  house  he  built  at  Ormsby.  He  married  Anne, 
daughter  and  heiress  of  William  Dobson,  sometime  Lord 
Mayor  of  York,  and  Elizabeth  his  wife,  daughter  of  Christopher 
Tancred  ofWhixley.  The  marriage  settlement1  is  dated  1746. 
Mrs.  Massingberd's  mother  was  Catherine,  daughter  of  Sir 
John  Armytage,  bart.,  whose  father  Sir  Francis  had  married 
Catherine  Danby,  sister  of  Sir  Thomas  Danby,  who  died  in 
1 660,  being  the  direct  male  heir  of  Sir  Christopher  Danby  and 
Margaret  daughter  of  Thomas  Lord  Scrope  of  Masham. 
Under  his  will,  dated  1705,  Christopher  Tancred  left  his 
widow  executrix,  notwithstanding  which  his  son  (Christopher) 
upon  his  death, c  though  not  of  age,  turned  his  sisters  out  of 
doors  and  refused  to  give  them  anything  for  their  support, 
so  that  they  must  have  starved  had  it  not  been  for  kind 
friends.'2  In  1721  this  affectionate  brother  '  in  consideration 
of  the  affection  he  bore  to  his  manor  house  of  Whixley, 
and  being  desirous  his  estate  should  never  be  dismembered 
by  distribution  among  heirs  female,'  settled  it  so  as  to  educate 
eight  students  at  Christ  and  Caius  Colleges,  Cambridge,  and 
maintain  '12  decayed  and  necessitated  gentlemen'  in  his 
house  at  Whixley.  Christopher  Tancred  having  died  in  1754 
a  Chancery  decree  in  1757  declared  that  his  will,  which  con- 
firmed the  provisions  of  the  settlement,  conveyed  all  the 
Whixley  estate,  except  the  advowson,  which  '  not  being  part  of 
the  estate  that  would  afford  an  annual  profit  for  the  purpose 
of  the  charities  did  not  pass,  but  must  descend  to  the  heirs  at 
law.'  Thus  the  advowson  is  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Massing- 
berd-Mundy.  Mr.  Massingberd  had  by  Anne  his  wife  two 
sons  and  six  daughters.  William  Burrell  Massingberd,  the 
younger  son,  was  rector  of  Ormsby  1780-1823,  but  died  un- 
married. Anne  Massingberd,  the  eldest  daughter,  married 
Rev.  William  Maxwell,  D.D.,  and  had  issue — John,  who  died 

1  At  Ormsby.  8  Statement  at  Ormsby  by  William  Dobson. 

s  - 


~ » 




11.  1749.     u. 

i).  1749.     i).  1835. 

By  N.  Daiut 


By  Angtltia   Kaiijfman 


unmarried,  and  Anne,  who  married  Rev.  H.  F.  Lyte,  the 
writer  of  the  well-known  evening  hymn,  'Abide  with  me.' 
Elizabeth,  the  youngest  daughter,  married  her  cousin  Francis, 
rector  of  Washingborough.  Charles  Burrell  Massingberd,  the 
eldest  son  and  heir,  High  Sheriff  for  the  county  of  Oxford  in 
1778,  married  first,  29  December,  1774,  Ann,  daughter  and 
heir  of  William  Blackall  late  of  Braziers,  co.  Oxford,  by  whom 
he  had  an  only  daughter  and  heiress.  He  married  secondly 
in  1781  Marie  Jeanne,  second  daughter  of  Captain  Rapigeon 
of  Versailles,  who  survived  for  many  years  after  his  death  but 
had  no  issue.  His  daughter  and  heiress,  Harriet,  married  in 


1806  Charles  Godfrey  Mundy,  second  son  of  Francis  Noel 
Clarke  Mundy  of  Markeaton,  co.  Derby,  and  their  son  and 
heir,  Charles  John  Henry  Mundy,  succeeding  to  the  estates  in 
1863  on  the  death  of  his  grandfather's  widow,  took  the  name 
of  Massingberd  in  addition  to  that  of  Mundy,  and  his  only 
surviving  son  and  heir  is  the  present  Mr.  Massingberd-Mundy 
of  Ormsby  Hall.  But  on  the  death  in  1 835  of  Charles  Burrell 
Massingberd  of  Ormsby  his  nephew  Francis  Charles  Massing- 
berd became  male  representative  of  the  family.  Burrell  Mas- 
singberd, besides  William  Burrell,  his  son  and  heir,  left  a  younger 
son,  Francis  Burrell  Massingberd,  who  married  14  June,  1750, 
Maria,  youngest  daughter  of  Thomas  Fanshawe  of  Parsloes  in 


the  parish  of  Dagenham,  co.  Essex.  His  only  surviving  child 
Francis  Massingberd,  born  24  October,  1755,  was  for  ten 
years  curate  of  Dagenham,  when  he  was  presented  by  Mrs. 
Buckworth  to  the  rectory  of  Washingborough  near  Lincoln, 
and  admitted  July,  1815,  to  the  prebend  of  Sutton-in-the- 
Marsh.  He  married  14  April,  1795,  his  cousin  Elizabeth, 
youngest  daughter  of  William  Burrell  Massingberd  of  Ormsby, 
by  whom,  besides  two  daughters,  he  had  a  son  Francis  Charles, 
educated  at  Rugby  and  Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  rector  of 
Ormsby  1825-72,  and  chancellor  of  Lincoln  1861-72.  He 
married  15  January,  1839,  Fanny,  eldest  daughter  of  William 
Baring,  sometime  M.P.,  fourth  son  of  Sir  Thomas  Baring, 
first  bart.,  and  had  issue  by  her  two  sons. 



IT  is  obviously  not  to  a  popular  magazine  that  we  should 
look  for  accurate  information  on  a  subject  so  beset  by  pit- 
falls as  the  right  of  certain  English  families  to  foreign  tides  of 
honour.  Yet  the  article  in  the  Windsor  Magazine  for  May 
( x  9°3)  on  '  English  Peers  who  are  Foreign  Princes,'  may  claim 
honourable  exemption  from  figuring  in  the  pages  reserved  for 
'What  is  believed."  The  mysterious  countships  of  the  Empire 
which  adorned  the  house  of  Feilding  find  no  place  in  its  pages  ; 
but  then  has  not  also  that  gorgeous  engraving  of  Sir  Percy 
Feilding's  achievement  which  formerly  decked  the  immaculate 
pages  of  Mr.  Fox-Davies'  Armorial  Families  been  discreetly 
removed  from  the  latest  edition  of  that  work  ?  Again,  the 
Duke  of  Marlborough's  Princedom  of  the  Empire,  which  is 
still  recognized  in  Burke 's  Peerage)  is  duly  mentioned  here  as 
that  of '  Mindelheim  of  Suabia,'  but  the  author  adds,  to  his 
credit,  that c  it  is  very  doubtful,  however,  whether  the  present 
Duke  really  holds  the  Princedom.'  We  may  venture  to 
assert  that  he  certainly  does  not,  and  that  it  has  not  been  held 
since  the  great  duke's  death.  But  it  is  strange  to  find  so 
careful  a  writer  omitting  the  one  peer  who  is  really  a  Prince 
of  the  Empire,  for  of  Lord  Cowper's  princedom  there  would 
seem  to  be  no  doubt. 

The  two  tides,  however,  on  which  we  must  join  issue  are 
the  Countships  of  the  Empire  assigned  by  the  writer  to  Lord 
Clifford  and  to  Master  and  the  Misses  Buder. 

The  oldest  foreign  title  held  by  an  English  peer  is  held  by  Baron  (fit) 
Arundell.  The  first  great  member  of  the  house,  Sir  Thomas  Arundell,  was 
created  a  Count  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  in  1595  .  .  .  and  ten  years 
later  England  herself  recognized  his  worth  by  making  him  Baron  (tie)  Arun- 
dell. .  .  .  The  title  of  Count  was  to  be  inherited  by  the  male  and  female 
members  of  the  family  alike,  so  that  when  the  daughter  of  the  eighth  baron 
married  Baron  (tie)  Clifford  (another  Catholic)  the  latter  inherited  the  count- 
ship,  which  is  still  borne  by  his  descendant. 

Both  in  this  case  and  in  that  which  follows  the  countships, 
we  may  add,  are  fully  recognized  in  Burke' s  Peerage,  but  are 
wholly  ignored  in  the  Gothaiscbes  Genealogiscbei  Tascbenbucb 



der  Graflichen  Hnuser  (1903),  although  the  countship  of  Lord 
Arundell  duly  appears  in  that  work. 

Master  Horace  George  Butler  (born  1 898),  of  Ewart  Park,  Wooler,  North- 
umberland, is  the  Count  St.  Paul  in  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  ;  his  great- 
great-grandfather,  Horace  St.  Paul,  joined  the  Austrian  army  as  a  volunteer. 
.  .  .  For  his  services  he  was,  in  1759,  created  a  count,  upon  the  field  of 
battle,  by  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  Francis  I.,  husband  of  Maria  Teresa  of 
Austria.  The  litde  Count's  mother,  who  died  in  1901,  married  Mr.  George 
Grey  Butler,  J.P.,  whose  litde  daughters,  Hethe  (born  1896)  and  Irene  (born 
1901)  are  entitled  to  be  called  Countesses. 

The  two  cases  are  precisely  similar,  and  a  consideration  of 
the  point  involved  should  enable  our  readers  to  judge  for 
themselves  all  such  claims  to  foreign  dignities. 

The  English  idea  of '  nobility,'  as  Professor  Freeman  has 
observed,  is,  owing  to  our  system  of  peerage,  radically  distinct 
from  the  foreign  one. 

In  England  .  .  .  the  Peerage  ...  at  once  set  up  a  new  standard  ot 
nobility,  a  new  form  of  the  nobility  of  office.  The  peer — in  strictness,  the 
peer  only,  not  even  his  children — became  the  only  noble.  ...  In  a  word, 
the  growth  of  the  peerage  hindered  the  existence  in  England  of  any  nobility 
in  the  Continental  sense  of  the  word.  .  .  .  [English  nobility]  takes  in  only 
the  peers  personally  ;  at  the  outside  it  cannot  be  stretched  beyond  those  ot 
their  children  and  grandchildren  who  bear  the  courtesy  titles  of  lord  or  lady. 

But  if  it  is  difficult  for  an  Englishman,  at  first,  to  grasp  a 
system  of  nobility  so  widely  different  from  our  own,  he  will 
do  so  when  it  is  explained  to  him  that  this  foreign  system  has 
for  its  principle  the  ennobling  alike  of  every  member  of  the 
family  descended  from  the  patentee,  but  not  the  ennobling  of 
other  families  descended  from  him  through  females.  As  this 
principle  is  expressed  by  G.E.C.,  when  he  throws  doubt  on  the 
Princedom  or  the  Empire  assigned  to  the  Duke  of  Marl- 
borough, — 

The  grant  of  that  dignity  is  in  the  usual  form,  which,  it  is  considered, 
entitles  all  male  descendants  to  that  dignity,  as  also  for  their  lives  (but  not  with 
right  of  transmission)  the  daughters  of  such  male  descendants.1'  - :  ^ 

On  this  principle  every  member  of  the  ancient  house  of 
Arundell  of  Wardour,  who  was  descended  from  Thomas 
Arundell  the  first  Count  of  the  Empire,  would  be  entitled, 
in  strictness,  to  the  title  of  count  or  countess,  but,  of  course, 
there  would  be  no  right  of  transmission  to  other  families;  nor, 
indeed,  does  one  see  what  title  could  be  transmitted.  Would 

1  Complete  Peerage,  v.  z;5,  note. 


Lord  Clifford,  for  instance,  claim  to  be  styled  '  Count  Clifford ' 
or  '  Count  Arundell '  ?  The  point,  however,  is  that  the 
countship  is  either  transmissible  through  females  or  it  is  not. 
If  it  is  so,  all  the  individuals  that  can  trace  descent,  through 
females,  from  the  first  Lord  Arundell  are  equally  entitled  to 
assume  it ;  and  the  name  of  these  must  be  Legion.  To  pick 
out  one,  and  one  alone,  of  all  the  daughters  of  the  house  of 
Arundell  as  entitled  to  transmit  the  countship — and  that  to 
her  heir,  not  to  her  descendants — is  obviously  to  confuse  the 
descent  of  the  title  with  that  of  an  English  barony  in  fee.' 

Debrett  describes  Lord  Arundell  as  '  a  Count  of  the  Holy 
Roman  (Old  German)  Empire  (1595),  a  dignity  which,  by 
special  grant,  descends  to  each  of  his  heirs  male  and  female 
for  ever '  ;  but  Brydges  Collins  (vii.  45)  gives  an  abstract  of 
the  charter  of  creation  limiting  the  dignity  c  so  that  every  of 
his  children  and  their  descendants  for  ever  of  both  sexes 
should  enjoy  that  tide,  have  place  and  vote  in  all  Imperial 
diets,'  etc.  !  Amidst  all  this  confusion  it  is  most  desirable 
that  the  actual  words  of  the  limitation  should  be  made  known. 

Now  let  us  apply  the  above  principle  to  the  case  of  the 
countship  of  St.  Paul.  The  last  baronet,  a  Count  of  the  Empire, 
left  a  daughter  and  sole  heiress,  who — not  as  his  heiress,  but 
as  his  daughter — was  entitled,  no  doubt,  in  strictness,  like  all 
daughters  of  a  count,  to  the  title  of  Countess.  But  she  was 
no  more  entitled  than  any  other  daughter  to  transmit  that 
title  to  her  offspring.  Nevertheless  in  Burkes  Peerage,  under 
'  Foreign  tides  of  nobility  borne  by  British  subjects,'  we  find 
her  son  recognized,  since  her  death  (1901),  as  Count  St.  Paul, 
although  his  armorial  bearings  are  conspicuously  omitted. 
Those  who  are  curious  in  such  matters  will  find  those  of  his 
mother  as '  The  countess  St.  Paul '  (she  died  26  April,  1901)  in 
the  1 902  edition  of  Mr.  Fox-Davies'  Armorial  Families,  where 
the  countess  is  entered  as  living.  On  a  background,  apparently, 
of  clouds  of  glory,  rampant  lions  uphold  banners,  while  also 
supporting,  with  a  skill  that  a  trained  poodle  might  envy,  a 
wondrous  galaxy  of  arms. 

No  indication  is  given  in  Burke  of  the  source  or  title  of  Lord  Clifford's 
countship,  but  it  appears  to  be  claimed  in  right  of  the  fact  that,  of  the  two 
daughters  and  co-heirs  of  the  eighth  Lord  Arundell,  one  married  the  ninth 
Lord,  and  the  other  Lord  Clifford.  In  Debrett  we  read  accordingly  of  the 
latter's  son  that  he  was  '  in  right  of  his  mother  a  Count  of  the  Old  German 
Empire,'  and  that  this  dignity  has  descended  to  the  present  peer. 


It  illustrates  the  untrustworthiness,  in  such  matters  as  these, 
of  our  recognized  books  on  the  peerage  that  while  Burke  formally 
recognizes  Master  Butler  as  Count,  Debrett,  adopting  our  own 
view,  significantly  allows  the  dignity  to  his  late  mother  only. 
And  there  is  another  point.  It  would  probably  be  gathered, 
from  the  pedigree  in  Burke,  that  the  late  '  countess '  was  the 
sole  descendant  of  the  house ;  but  the  family  of  Orde  of 
Weetwood  (Northumberland)  is  descended  from  her  aunt,  a 
daughter  of  the  first  baronet  (see  Burke 's  Landed  Gentry),  and, 
therefore,  as  in  the  Arundell  case,  we  ask  why  the  dignity  is 
supposed  to  be  transmitted  by  one  daughter  of  the  house,  but 
not  by  another  ?  Debrett  is  here  inconsistent,  for  while  not 
recognizing  the  Butler  claim,  it  does  recognize,  as  we  have 
seen,  that  of  Lord  Clifford. 

To  the  house  of  Clifford,  with  its  romantic  history  and  its 
pedigree   extending,  probably,  to  the  Conquest,  a  visionary 
Countship  of  the  Empire  can  be  but  of  small  account.     To 
the  house  of  Butler,  on  the  other  hand,  the  countship  is  a 
great  matter  ;  it  procures  admission  to  Burke  s  Peerage,  even 
if  in  somewhat  dangerous  proximity  to  the  pages  devoted  to 
advertisements.    Accordingly,  a  significant  alteration  has  been 
made,  since  the  death  of  the  countess,  in  the  sentence  which 
used  to  inform  us  that  Sir  Horace  St.  Paul  (2nd  bart.)  c  obtained 
a  royal  licence  for  himself  and  his  successors  to  use  the  title 
in  this  country.' l      This  sentence   now  runs  :    *  Sir  Horace 
obtained  a  royal  licence,  7  September,   1812,  for  himself  and 
the  other  descendants  male  and  female  of  his  father  the  rst 
Count  to  use  the  tide   in    this   country.'     Those  who    have 
followed  our  argument  will  see  that  this  vague  limitation  is 
not  what  is  wanted  ;  and  yet  we  hear  nothing  of  any  subse- 
quent step  authorizing   the   transmission  of  the  title  to  the 
Butler  family.      Moreover,  it  is  proverbially  well  always  to 
'verify  one's  references,'  and   we  have    therefore    taken    the 
trouble  to  hunt  up  the  licence.     Its  guarded  terms,  it  will  be 
seen,  confine  the  permission  to  those  who  may  be  within  the 
limitation  in  the  emperor's  patent. 

WHITEHALL,  Sept.  7,  i8iz. 

The  Prince  Regent  has  been  pleased,  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of 
His  Majesty,  to  give  and  grant  unto  Horace  David  Cholwell  St.  Paul  .  .  . 
Henry  Heneage  St.  Paul  .  .  .  Charles  Maxim  illian  St.  Paul  .  .  .  and  Anna 

1  This  sentence  appeared  in  the  editions  of  1899-1901,  and  the  licence 
was  therein  wrongly  assigned  to  the  last  baronet,  who  died  in  1891. 


Maria  St.  Paul,  children  of  the  late  Horace  St.  Paul  .  .  .  Count  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  deceased,  His  Majesty's  royal  license  and  authority,  that  they, 
upon  whom  the  dignity  of  Count  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  shall  have  de- 
volved or  shall  devolve,  in  virtue  of  the  limitations  in  the  Imperial  Letters 
Patent  or  Diploma,  granted  by  Francis  the  First,  Emperor  of  Germany,  and 
bearing  date  at  Vienna,  the  zoth  day  of  July  1759,  unto  t'le  ***&  Horace  St. 
Paul,  may  avail  themselves  of  the  said  honour,  assume  and  use  the  title  thereof 
in  this  country  and  bear  the  armorial  ensigns  annexed  thereto.1 

It  ought  to  be  observed  that  this  licence  extends  only  to 
the  patent  of  1759,  and  cannot,  therefore,  apply  to  Master 
Butler  and  his  sisters,  if  they  are,  as  must  be  presumed, 
in  the  absence  of  evidence  to  the  contrary,  outside  its  limit- 
ation. Is  this  why  Burke  3  Peerage  omits  '  the  armorial  en- 
signs '  ?  But,  in  that  case,  why  does  it  recognize  the  countship 
to  which  they  are  *  annexed '  ? 

We  have  dealt  with  the  « Count '  in  '  Count  St.  Paul '  : 
let  us  now  deal  with  the  '  Saint.'  It  is  not  from  the  Peerage, 
or  from  similar  works,  recording  merely  names  and  dates,  that 
we  shall  learn  the  true  origin  of  this  canonized  and  comital 
house.  On  it,  therefore,  the  Ancestor  proceeds  to  turn  its 

On  Millbank,  in  its  pre-penitentiary  days,  in  fact  when 
George  the  First  was  king,  there  dwelt  two  Westminster  citi- 
zens of  credit  and  renown.  The  one  was  Samuel  Paul,  a 
brewer,  the  other,  Nathaniel  Collins,  *  an  eminent  distiller,  who 
by  his  industry  and  frugality  had  acquired  a  great  estate.' 
Both  Samuel  and  Nathaniel — as  indeed  their  names  might 
tempt  us  to  guess — were  '  well  affected,'  in  the  phrase  of  the 
time,  to  the  Whig  c  settlement '  in  Church  and  State  ;  *  and 
both  received  their  reward.  For  their  names  were  placed  on 
the  Commission  of  the  Peace.  The  two  worthies  died  within 
a  fortnight  of  each  other — Nathaniel  on  19  August,  1720, 
Samuel  on  the  3ist,  and,  to  crown  all,  the  distiller's  daughter 
married  the  brewer's  son.  From  this  '  bottle  and  jug '  alliance 
sprang  the  Counts  of  the  Empire.  Judith,  the  daughter  of  the 
frugal  distiller,  canonized  her  husband's  family  ;  the  brewer's 
grandson  became  a  count ;  his  great-grandson  a  baronet. 

Our  statement  as  to  the  canonization  is  taken  from  Burke  s 
Peerage,  where  we  read  of  Robert,  the  brewer's  son,  that  « his 
widow  obtained  an  act  of  parliament,  in  1768,  to  authorize 

1  London  Gazette. 

*  PoKtical  State  of  Great  Britain,  xx.  160. 


the  assumption  of  the  additional  surname  (sic)  of  SAINT.'  But 
here  is  a  difficulty.  The  Emperor's  countship  had  been 
granted  no  less  than  nine  years  before  this  Act  was  passed.  Is 
the  grantee  styled  therein  Horace  '  Paul '  or  Horace  '  St. 
Paul '  ?  If  the  former,  the  title  has  never  been  '  St.  Paul '  ;  if 
the  latter,  by  what  right  had  the  prefix  'St.'  been  assumed  ? 
Is  it  possible  that  when  Horace  Paul — the  family  had  already 
abandoned  the  names  of  the  Old  Testament — sought  service 
with  the  emperor,  he  adopted  the  aristocratic  name  to  which 
he  was  not  entitled,  as  likely  to  stand  him  in  better  stead  at  the 
Court  of  Vienna  ? 

The  family  arms,  perhaps,  throw  light  upon  the  question. 
These  last  appeared  in  Burkes  Peerage  in  1891  (the  year  in 
which  the  baronetcy  became  extinct),  when  those  of  St.  Paul 
(borne  on  an  escutcheon)  were  blazoned  as  'argent,  a  lion 
rampant  double-queued  gules  ducally  crowned  or.'  As  Ulster, 
acknowledged  in  that  edition  the  assistance  of  English  officers 
of  arms,  these  arms  must  be  authentic,  and  indeed,  they 
are  recognized  as  valid  in  Mr.  Fox-Davies'  work.  It  is 
obvious  that  we  are  in  the  presence  here  of  no  mere  eighteenth 
century  coat,  but  of  one  of  the  great  shields  of  medieval 
Europe.  Turn  to  the  pages  of  Pere  Anselme,  and  there  you 
will  find  staring  you  in  the  face  the  arms  of  the  French 
branches  of  the  mighty  house  of  Luxembourg,  '  d'argent  au 
lion  de  gueules  la  queue  nouee  fourchee,  et  passee  en  sautoir, 
arm£  couronne  d'or  lampassd  d'azur.'  From  the  reigning 
house  of  Luxembourg  there  sprang  kings  and  emperors,  whose 
lion  gules  with  its  golden  crown,  rampant  on  a  silver  field,  was 
derived  from  the  counts  and  dukes  of  Limbourg,  their  own 
direct  ancestors,  rulers  of  Limbourg  as  far  back  as  the  days  of 
the  Norman  Conquest.  Theirs  was  the  ancient  and  glorious 
coat  annexed  by  our  brewer's  offspring  with  the  sanction,  we 
gather,  of  the  Heralds'  College.  We  venture  to  suggest  that 
the  '  frauds  '  and  '  impostors  '  denounced  by  its  frenzied 
champions  may  congratulate  themselves  that  they  are  guiltless, 
at  least,  of  such  an  outrage  upon  '  armory  '  as  this. 

But,  it  may  be  asked,  why  should  an  Englishman  called 
Paul,  or  even  St.  Paul,  adopt  or  obtain  arms  virtually  indis- 
tinguishable from  those  of  the  house  of  Luxembourg  ?  Pere 
Anselme  again  supplies  the  clue  to  the  enigma.  A  branch  of 

1  Ed.  1728,  iii.  722,  729,  731,  735,  737. 


the  house,  Luxembourg-Ligny,  married  the  heiress  of  the 
Comtes  de  St.  Pol  (or  St.  Paul)  and  thus  acquired  that 
dignity.  Thus  was  founded  the  house  of  Luxembourg-St. 
Paul,  which  continued  to  bear  the  Luxembourg  coat,  though 
differenced  by  a  crosslet  on  the  lion's  shoulder.1  It  is  clear, 
surely,  that  someone  (whether  a  herald  or  not)  jumped  at  the 
conclusion  that  this  was  the  coat  belonging  to  '  St.  Paul,'  and 
bestowed  it  on  an  English  house  which  happened  to  bear 
that  name.  For  Sir  George  St.  Paul  of  Snarford  (in  North 
Lincolnshire),  who  was  created  a  baronet  29  June,  161 1,  bore, 
according  to  Burke  s  Armory,  l  Arg.  a  lion  rampant  double- 
queued  gu.,  crowned  or,' 3  which,  we  have  seen,  is  the  very  coat 
borne  by  the  heir  of  the  Millwall  brewer  (whose  forbears  were 
from  Coventry,  not  from  Lincolnshire),  with  the  sanction,  if 
we  may  judge  from  Mr.  Fox-Davies'  book,  of  the  College  of 
Arms.  That  this  coat  is  indistinguishable  from  that  of  the 
house  of  Luxembourg  is  demonstrated,  independently,  in 
Papwortb's  Ordinary,  where  we  find  them  entered  thus  : 

Arg.  a  lion  ramp,  tail   forked  gu.   crowned  or.     ST.  PAUL,  Snarford,  co. 
Lincoln.    LUXEMBOURG. 

And,  lastly,  we  can  actually  prove  that  the  coat  of  the 
(Luxembourg)  Counts  of  St.  Paul  was  known  to  English 
heralds,  for  it  figures  in  Mr.  Barren's  roll  of  '  fifteenth  cen- 
tury arms '  as  *  silver  a  crowned  lion  gules  with  forked  tail. 
COUNT  DE  SfiYNTPOULE.'3  The  origin  of  the  bearings  is  thus 
proved  up  to  the  hilt. 

How  then  does  the  case  stand  ?  Here  is  a  modern  family 
of  Paul,  hailing  from  Coventry,  which  not  only  turns  itself 
into  St.  Paul,  for  the  look  of  the  thing,  by  Act  of  Parliament, 
but  calmly  annexes  the  arms  belonging  to  a  comparatively  old 
house  of  that  name,  which  themselves,  as  any  expert  must  per- 
ceive, are  based,  by  an  obvious  blunder,  on  those  of  the 
Luxembourg^,  Counts  of  St.  Paul,  a  house  which  mated  with 
the  noblest  Families  of  its  age  ! 4  The  much-abused  '  heraldic 
stationer '  could  hardly  beat  this  record. 

1   Ed.  1728,  iii.  725. 

3  He  died  s.p.  bequeathing  estates  to  his  heir  male,  St.  Paul  of  Campsall, 
Yorks.  3  Ancestor,  v.  180. 

4  '  Louis  de  Luxembourg,  Comte  de  St.  Paul,'  Constable  of  France,  married 
'  Jeanne,  Comtesse  de  Marie  et  de  Soissons,'  great-granddaughter  and  heiress  ol 
Ingelram,   '  Sire  de   Coucy  '   and   Earl  of  Bedford,  by    Isabel    dau.    of  King 
Edward  III. 


The  line  taken  by  the  Ancestor,  in  the  matter  of  armorial 
bearings,  has  been  definite  and  frank  throughout.  We  are  in 
cordial  agreement  with  those  who  denounce  the  pirating  of 
arms,  that  is  the  annexing  of  a  family's  coat  by  another  family 
of  the  same  name,  but  wholly  unconnected.  But  we  deny 
that  this  admitted  wrong  is  at  once  turned  into  right  when  the 
annexed  coat  is  borne  with  the  sanction  of  the  Heralds' 
College,  or  when  the  offender  is  allowed  to  retain  his  usurped 
coat  in  what  he  can  represent  as  a  merely  differenced  form.1 
To  Mr.  Phillimore  and  his  fellows  the  sanction  of  the  college 
is  the  only  point  worth  considering  ;  to  us  it  makes  no  differ- 
ence ;  it  cannot  turn  wrong  into  right. 

Take,  for  instance,  the  arms  borne  by  Lord  Gerard  with 
the  full  sanction,  as  we  learn  from  Armorial  Families,  of  the 
Heralds'  College.  It  has  long  been  well  recognized  that,  at 
some  period  in  its  history,  the  ancient  house  of  Gerard  of 
Bryn,  dazzled  by  the  splendour  of  that  Irish  race  of  which  I 
have  spoken  in  the  Ancestor,  discarded  its  own  pedigree  and 
arms  (though  the  latter  continued  to  be  used  by  other  branches 
of  the  family)  and  annexed  the  coat  of  Fitz  Gerald  together 
with  that  family's  descent.  Reference  to  Burke's  Peerage  will 
show  that  Lord  Gerard  is  assigned  '  a  common  ancestor  with 
the  Dukes  of  Leinster  in  Ireland,'  and  is  indeed  derived  from 
William,  an  alleged  younger  brother  of  Odo  de  Carrew.* 
Under  '  Leinster '  we  similarly  read  that  their  father  William 
Fitz  Gerald  was  '  ancestor  of  the  families  of  Carew  .  .  .  and 
Gerard.'  Lord  Gerard  accordingly  bears,  according  to  the 
same  work,  the  undifferenced  arms  of  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  '  Arg. 
a  saltire  gu.' 

In  1741  Woollen's  Baronetage  traced  the  descent  of  Gerard 
of  Bryn  from  the  above  William  on  the  authority  of  a  pedi- 
gree in  the  possession  of  the  family  itself,3  but  even  so  early 
as  1635  Ran  die  Holme  had  'met  with  very  auntient  deedes 
to  sattisfie  any '  that  the  descent  from  '  Gerard  Fitz  Walter  of 
Windsor  is  a  false  pretence,'  and  Ormerod  *  printed  one  of 
these  deeds  as  disproof  absolute  of  that  alleged  descent.5  A 
further  deed  disproving  it  was  printed  in  Helsby's  edition  of 
his  work  (1882),  where  the  question  was  further  investigated.8 

See,  for  an  actual  instance  of  this,  the  Ancestor,  iii.  22-3. 

2  See  for  him  the  Ancestor,  v.  19-25. 

3  i.  52.  *  Ormerod's  Cheshire  (1819),  ii.  61.  *  Ibid. 
6  ii.  128-33. 


It  is  now  certain  that  the  founder  of  Lord  Gerard's  family 
was  William  Fitz  Gerard  (or  Gerrard)  who  obtained  lands  in 
Kingsley,  Cheshire,  by  marrying  Emma,  daughter  and  co- 
heiress of  Richard  de  Kingsley.  This  William,  who  lived 
temp.  Henry  III.,1  has  been  thrown  back  by  the  pedigree- 
makers  to  an  earlier  date  in  order  to  make  him  a  brother  of 
Odo  de  Carrew,  and  in  Burkes  Peerage  his  wife  Emma  has 
been  further  converted  into  '  Katherine  daughter  of  Adam  de 
Kingsley  '  and  made  the  wife  of  his  alleged  father  William 
FitzGerald  !* 

The  true  arms  of  the  Gerards  were  altogether  different 
from  those  of  the  house  of  FitzGerald,'  and  were  allowed  to 
the  Crewood  branch  in  1613  as  <Az.  a  lion  rampant  erm. 
ducally  crowned  or  ;  over  all  a  bend  gu.'  *  It  has  been  as- 
serted that,  as  Gerard  of  Bryn  disregarded  the  Heralds' 
visitations  till  i665,6  we  have  no  evidence  until  that  year  of 
their  bearing  the  arms  of  FitzGerald.  But  in  the  funeral 
certificate  of  Sir  Thomas  Gerard  (d.  15  May,  1630)  taken 
15  Jan.  163!  by  Randle  Holme,  'deputy  to  the  Office  of 
Armes,'  and  signed  by  the  deceased's  son,  we  find  the  first 
coat  on  his  escutcheon  given  as  *  Argent,  a  saltire  gules.'  And 

1  Emma  appears  as  his  widow  in  44  Hen.  III.  (1*59-60). 

2  Here  at  last  we  trace  to  its  origin  the  strange  statement  in  Old  Pem- 
brokeshire FamiRei  (p.  1 2)  that  this  William  (there  styled  William  de  Carew) 
married   '  Katharine,  a  daughter  of  Sir  Adam   de   Kingsley,   in  Cheshire.' 
This  marriage  is  foisted  into  the  family  pedigree  from  the  fable  that  the 
Cheshire  Gerards  belonged  to  it. 

3  See  Helsby's  Ormerod's  Cheshire,  ii.    128,  and  Chetham  Society's  Visi- 
tation of  Lancashire,  1533,  vol.  ex.  (1882),  186-7  ;  and  its  Visitation  of  Lanca- 
shire, 1567  (Ixxxi.  8 1,  101),  from  all  which  it  is  abundantly  clear  that  the 
true  arms  were  '  Az.  a  lion   rampant  erm.  crowned  or,*  derived  from  the 
heiress  of  Bryn,   or   (previously)    the    arms   of    'Montalt'  of    Hawarden 
debruized  by  a  bend  gules.     It  has  been  strongly  urged  on  the  ground  of 
deeds  and  of  this  similarity  of  arms  that   the  Gerards  are  really  cadets  of 
the  house  of  Montalt. 

The  case  of  Gerard  is  curiously  parallel  with  that  of  Spenser  (see  Studies 
iu  Peerage  and  Family  History).  Each  family  discovered  for  itself  in  the  six- 
teenth century  an  ancestry  different  from  its  own,  and  each  assumed  with  that 
new  ancestry  the  coat  of  arms  which  belonged  to  it. 

4  Helsby's  Ormerod,  ii.  131. 

*  At  that  of  i  5  3  3  '  Gerrard  of  the  Brynne  wold  not  be  spoken  withall ' 
(Chetham  Soc.  ex.  182),  expressing  thereby,  on  the  part  of  an  ancient  house, 
a  contempt  for  the  heralds  and  their  visitations  which  must  be  most  distress- 
ing to  Mr.  Phillimore  and  his  friends. 

"  Lancashire  and  Cheshire  Record  Society  (1882),  vi.  203. 


even  in  that  of  '  Sir  Thomas  Gerard  of  the  Bryne  '  (bur. 
12  Oct.  1601)  we  find  it  already  appearing  and  indeed  alleged 
to  be  shown  on  stained  glass  at  Bryn  of  1518.*  The  amazing 
usurpation  by  the  Gerards  of  the  famous  Irish  coat  is  thus, 
we  see,  carried  back  far  into  Tudor  times.  '  We  must  re- 
member,' however,  Mr.  Phillimore  reminds  us,  *  that  an  indi- 
vidual cannot  create  for  himself  an  estate  of  inheritance  in 
the  bogus  arms  he  or  his  ancestors  have  assumed.' a  But  the 
case  of  Gerard  shows  us  that  the  heralds  contradict  him  in 
this  flatly. 

In  the  Paul  case  we  have  a  usurpation  of  a  particularly 
glaring  kind,  which  must  have  been  sanctioned  by  the  college 
at  some  time  or  other  in  the  past,  for,  according  to  Armorial 
Families,  it  is  now  recognized  as  rightful.  Of  such  proceedings 
we  can  only  say,  in  the  words  of  the  Preface  to  The  Landed 
Gentry  (1898)  : — 

Unfortunately,  the  laws  ot  arms  have  been,  in  these  later  days,  very 
frequently  set  at  nought,  and  the  well-known  ensigns  of  our  historic 
families  have  been  assumed  by  strangers  in  blood,  if  not  in  name,  though  by 
their  own  act  they  have  but  erected  a  permanent  memorial  to  the  obscurity  ot 
their  origin. 

There  are  Howard,  Stuart  and  Montmorency  coats  which, 
though  borne  with  the  sanction  of  heralds,  illustrate  the  practice 
here  denounced.  Doubtless,  in  the  Paul  case  as  in  these, 
bygone  heralds  were  to  blame,  but  their  successors  are  bound 
by  their  acts.  And,  to  put  it  mildly,  this  being  so,  the  self- 
constituted  champions  of  the  college  are  the  last  who  should 
denounce  the  'heraldic  stationers.'  What  are  we,  for  instance, 
to  say  to  such  a  passage  as  this  from  the  Preface  to  Armorial 
Families  ? 

Centuries  ago  the  heralds  deplored  and  tried  to  keep  in  check  the  vagaries 
and  usurpations  of  these  '  painter-fellows,'  as  they  then  described  them.  .  .  . 
Then  as  now  the  true  position  and  authority  of  the  Officers  of  Arms  was  not 
properly  known  or  understood.  Then  as  now  these  '  painter-fellows '  en- 
croached, and  then  as  now  they  profited  by  the  lack  of  heraldic  knowledge 
current  among  the  general  public,  and  they  purposed  to  grant,  confirm, 
and  assign  arms  .  .  .  which  were  perfectly  legitimate,  and  which  belonged 
to  ancient  families,  which  legitimate  coats-of-arms  these  '  painter-fellows ' 
assigned  to  other  families  bearing  the  same  or  similar  names,  without  the 

1  Chetham   Society,  Ixxv.   88-9,  from  'original  funeral   certificates  of  the 
north  in  State   Paper  Office.'      See  also  Miscellanea  Gtnea/ogica  el  Heraldica 
(1866),  i.  46. 

2  Heralds'  College  and  Coats  of  Amu  regarded  from  a  Legal  Aspect,  p.  8. 


ghost  of  a  pretence,  and  without  the  shadow  of  a  possibility  of  establishing 
a  descent  from  the  bona  fide  holders.  That  was  how  the  abuse  began 
centuries  ago.  At  the  present  time,  at  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
this  same  abuse  runs  riot,  and  now  as  then,  it  is  in  the  forefront,  and  the  most 
prominent  of  heraldic  follies. 

We  turn  to  one  of  the  admirable  studies  on  medieval 
heraldry  for  which  we  are  indebted  to  the  pen  of  Mr.  A.  S. 
Ellis,  and  we  find  him  writing  as  follows  of  the  beautiful  coat 
of  the  Cayvills  of  Cayvill,1  Yorks  : — 

Tudor  heralds,  it  should  here  be  added,  allowed  this  coat  to  a  Wiltshire 
family  named  Kaynell  of  Bridstone  !  So  much  for  the  improper  use  of  a 
dictionary  of  arms,  even  by  officials,  in  those  corrupt  days. 

'That,'  if  we  may  quote  Mr.  Fox-Davies,  'was  how  the 
abuse  began  centuries  ago.'  Not  to  his  despised  'painter- 
fellows,'  but  to  his  beloved  '  Officers  of  Arms  '  was  due  the 
allowance  to  the  Spencers  of  to-day  of  the  arms  of  the  feudal 
Despencers,  with  whom  they  had  nothing  to  do.  To  them 
also,  Mr.  Ellis  tells  us,  was  due  this  pirating  of  the  Cayvill 
coat  on  the  very  principle  of  the  '  heraldic  stationer,'  namely 
that  the  name  was  '  the  same  or  similar,'  with  the  added  offence 
that  the  heralds,  it  seems,  could  not  even  read  their  own 

When  one  of  the  champions  of  official  armory  accuses 
persons  of  '  fraud '  and  another  screams  that  they  '  openly 
break  every  law  in  existence,'  merely  because  their  arms  are 
not  satisfactory  to  these  brawlers,  our  own  language  may  seem 
mild  when  we  suggest  that  the  tale  of  the  Pauls  and  their 
annexed  arms  should  be  for  them  a  chastening  thought.  *  Ah,' 
they  may  reply,  '  the  case  is  different ;  the  family  may  have 
annexed  the  arms  "  without  the  ghost  of  a  pretence,  and  with- 
out the  shadow  of  a  possibility  ot  establishing  a  descent  from 
the  bona  fide  holders  "  ;  but  that  is  a  detail  of  no  consequence 
— the  fees  were  all  duly  paid,  and  the  shield  of  the  sainted 
Pauls  is  now  "  on  record  "  and  hung  high  above  human  criti- 

1  A  berewick  of  Howden  in  Eastrington. 




[Gedeon  Bonnivert  was  doubtless  a  son  of  a  Huguenot  family  in  England.  The 
English  style  of  his  journal  seems  to  be  evidence  that  he  was  at  least 
brought  up  in  England,  although  he  uses  French  in  a  commonplace  book 
of  his  (Sloane  MS.  1028).  Little  can  be  found  of  his  military  career 
beyond  what  is  recorded  here.  In  the  campaign  in  Ireland  he  would  seem 
to  have  ridden  as  a  private  trooper  or  volunteer,  but  that  he  remained 
in  the  army  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  had  a  commission  as  lieutenant 
in  Colonel  Edward  Lee's  regiment  of  dragoons,  which  commission 
is  dated  1 6  Feb.  169!-  This  regiment  was  disbanded  in  1697,  and  the 
officers  put  on  half-pay,  and  with  this,  Bonnivert's  military  career 
ended.  The  tale  of  his  campaign  may  add  little  to  history,  but 
it  is  none  the  less  an  entertaining  one,  and  we  have  at  least  the  story 
of  Boyne  Water  re-told  by  one  who  was  on  a  battlefield  which  broke  a 
dynasty,  and  there  with  his  eyes  open  and  hugely  interested  in  what  was 
going  forward. 

He  is  modest  enough  for  a  man  of  French  blood  telling  his  doings 
in  the  wars,  but  the  story  of  his  lost  horse  moves  us  as  though  it  had 
been  the  freshly  happened  adventure  of  a  City  Imperial  Volunteer  on 
the  veldt. 

The  little  pocket  book  in  which  these  things  are  written  down  is 
now  in  the  British  Museum,  a  Sloane  MS.  numbered  1033. — HILDA 

I  CAME  out  of  London  the  6th  of  June  1690  and  layn  at 
St.  Albans.  We  were  to  guard  5  carriadges  loaded  with 
two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pounds  for  the  pay  of  the 
army  in  Ireland. 

Saturday  the  yth  we  went  to  Newport  Pagnell  where  a 
troop  of  dragons  relieved  us.  Wee  tarri'd  there  till  Monday 
following  then  we  went  to  Daventry.  Tuesday  we  went  to 

Wednesday  to  Stafford  the  party  went,  but  I  left  'em  by 
the  way  and  went  to  meet  a  friend  of  mine  at  Litchfield.  About 
foure  miles  this  side  of  Cosswell  there  is  a  stone  bridge  full  of 
the  plant  call'd  maiden  hair. 

Thursday  I  met  the  party  at  Namptwytch.  Within  three 
miles  of  that  place  is  a  very  fine  house  belonging  to  Sir  Thomas 
Delf  with  a  very  fine  pool  full  of  all  wild  fowls.  You  may  take 
notice  of  a  carp  that  was  taken  there  three  quarters  of  a  yard 


and  odd  inches  long  which  is  set  up  as  a  weather  cock  at  the 
top  of  ye  house.  Friday  we  came  to  Chester,  the  chief  town 
of  the  county.  Generally  Cheshire  is  a  very  fine  country  for 
corn  and  grass  which  being  intermix'd  with  fine  woods  render 
it  very  pleasant  to  the  eyes.  Chester  is  a  very  large  town  of 
great  trade  it  being  the  sea  port  town  though  the  ships  come 
no  nearer  on't  than  16  miles  at  a  place  call'd  High-Lake, 
there's  the  River  Dee  runs  by  its  walls,  and  it  has  a  pretty 
strong  though  but  small  castle. 

Sir  ...  Morgan  is  now  Governour  of  that  place.  The  two 
main  streets  of  Chester  have  cover'd  walks  where  you  may 
walke  at  the  hottest  sun  free  from  heat,  and  in  wett  weather 
shelter'd  from  rain  ;  their  shopps  are  underneath  these  walks. 
Round  about  the  walls  of  the  citty  you  may  walk  upon  large 
stones,  and  have  a  prospect  of  the  town  and  country.  High 
Lake  is  the  sea  port  and  has  but  two  houses  besides  the  Kings 
store  house.  Wee  stay'd  there  from  monday  in  the  evening 
y*  1 6th  till  tuesday  at  8  in  the  morning,  then  we  embark'd  our 
horses  and  us  selves  we  hauss'd  our  saile  about  three  in  the 
afternoon,  with  the  tide,  but  with  a  contrary  wind,  which  made 
us  ply  to  and  fro  all  that  day.  About  ten  in  ye  night  no 
wind  stirring  we  cast  anchor  till  two  in  the  morning. 

All  the  day  after  we  had  no  wind  and  our  shipp  was  only 
carried  by  the  tyde. 

Thursday  we  fish'd  most  of  y"  day  and  tooke  great  many 
gornetts  and  whitings,  the  sea  being  in  a  great  calm.  That  day 
we  left  Cumberland  behind  us  and  endeavour'd  to  reach  the 
He  of  Man  but  could  not.  in  the  night  time  the  wind  arising, 
and  pretty  favourable  for  our  voyage  we  left  the  He  of  Man 
at  our  left  hand  and  we  discover 'd  the  coasts  of  Scotland  at  our 
right  hand,  which  they  call  Galloway,  and  Friday  being  the  i  gth 
we  came  between  three  Islands  and  a  town  call'd  Donahadee 
which  is  a  markett  town  and  seems  a  good  pretty  one.  Wee 
left  it  at  our  right  and  Copplen  Hands  at  our  left.  Wee  saw 
after  that  at  our  left  the  village  call'd  Bangar,  which  is  but  a 
small  one  but  very  fitt  for  vessels  to  come  to  the  very  sides  of 
it,  both  sides  are  very  rocky.  That  small  village  is  famous  for 
Duke  Schomberg  landing  there  with  the  forces  under  his 
command.  Upon  your  right  you  see  the  Castle  of  Carick- 
fergus  which  is  a  strong  place  ;  we  took  it  last  yeare  and  lost 
no  great  quantity  of  men.  We  landed  at  the  White  house, 
where  we  saw  on  our  arrival  great  nomber  of  poor  people, 


the  women  are  not  very  shy  of  exposing  to  men's  eyes  those 
parts  which  are  usuall  for  the  sexe  to  hide.  We  went  that 
night  to  Belfast  which  is  a  large  and  pretty  town  and  all  along 
the  road  you  see  an  arm  of  the  sea  upon  your  left,  and  on  the 
right  great  high  rocky  mountains  which  tops  are  often  hiden 
by  the  clouds,  and  at  the  bottom  a  very  pleasant  wood  and  very 
full  of  simples  of  all  sorts. 

The  town  is  a  sea  port.    There  is  in  it  the  kings  Custom 
House,  and  you  see  hard  by  it  a  very  long  stone  bridge  which 
is  not  yett  finished.     The  town  is  compass'd  round  about  it 
with  hills.     The  people  very  civill,  and  there  is  also  a  great 
house  belonging  to  my  Ld  Donnegall  Ld  chief  J  with  very  fine 
gardens  and  groves  of  ash  trees.     The  inhabitants  speak  very 
good  English,  wee  stay'd  there  two  days  and  three  nights  and 
we  went  from  thence  on  twesday  being  the  2jth  of  June  to 
Lisbourn,  where  there  is  a  great    house  and   good   gardens 
belonging  now  to  my  Lady  Mulgrave ;  it  was  left  her  with  the 
whole  estate  which  amounts  to  14000  Ib  per  annu  by  my  Ld 
Canaway,  the  house  is  out  of  repair.     There's  a  markett  kept 
there  on  that  day.     Wednesday  the  24th  wee  sett  forth  be- 
times in  y*  morning,  resolv'd  to  joyn  our  army  which  was  then 
encamp'd  at  Loughprickland.     We  pass'd  by  Hillsborough,  a 
great  house  belonging  to  the  King  standing  on  a  hill  on  the 
left  hand  of  ye  road,  and  fro  thence  we  went  to  Druamore 
— hard   by  that   place    is    the   Bishops   house.     The    succes 
answer'd  our  expectation  tho'  we  had  a  very  hard  and  trouble- 
some day's  work.     At  our  arrivall  our  friends  shew'd  joy  in 
their  faces  to  see  us  come  amongst  them,  and  each  of  us  went  to 
his  respective  tent.     Thursday  ye  28th  of  June  we  marched  at 
two  of  ye  clock  in  the  morning  and  went  over  the  high  hills  to 
Newry.     Tis  not  to  be  imagin'd  how  strong  naturally  many 
passages  are  that  way  ;  and  besides  that  many  strong  tho'  small 
forts  made  by  King  James,  which  made  me  admire  many  times 
what  should  have  made  him  quitt  those  passages,  which  might 
have  ruin'd  most  part  of  our  army  with  the  loss  but  of  few  of 
his  own.     That  day  was  the  first  of  my  seeing  the  King  ride- 
ing  in  Irish  Land,  and  he  had  then  on  an  orange  colour  sash. 
We  cross'd   the  river  at  Newry  which  was  formerly  a  strong 
place  but  now  burnt  and  destroy'd,  and  encamp'd  upon  the  yc 
side  of  a  hill,  where  waiter  was  very  scarce.     We  left  Dun- 
dalk  on  our  left  hand,  it  stands  by  ye  sea,  and  we  encamped  in 
very  rugg'd  ground.     There   as  soon    as  we    had   order    to 


dismount  I  left  my  horse  to  shift  for  himself,  and  I  tir'd  with 
heat  and  want  of  drink  fell  fast  asleep  for  the  space  of  4  houres. 
Awaked  as  I  was  afterwards,  I  lookd  for  my  horse,  but  no 
horse  to  be  found,  in  short  I  went  upon  down  for  about  4 
houres  longer  ere  I  could  heare  any  tidings  of  him,  night  was 
approaching,  we  were  nigh  the  ennemy,  and  were  looking  every 
minutt  to  be  commanded  to  horse,  but  being  in  this  agony,  as 
God  would  have  it,  I  spied  upon  the  side  of  a  banck  my 
saddle  all  in  pieces.  I  soon  after  found  my  Gentleman  too,  but 
however  'twas  not  without  great  trouble.  Therefore  I  advise 
all  horseman  in  such  case  never  to  part  with  his  horse  but  if 
he  falls  a  sleep  tye  ye  reyns  fast  to  his  arm.  The  Inniskilling 
Dragoons  came  there  to  us.  They  are  but  middle  siz'd  men, 
but  they  ar  never  the  less  brave  fellows.  I  have  seen  'em  like 
masty  dogs  runn  against  bullets. 

Saturday  y*  28th  we  were  taken  1 5  men  out  of  each  squadron 
to  go  with  a  detachment  of  1200  to  Ardagh  ;  where  we  heard 
the  late  king's  army  was,  the  rest  of  our  army  stayed  behind  till 
the  Sunday  following.  Just  as  we  came  within  sight  of  y*  town, 
we  saw  the  dust  rise  like  a  cloud  upon  the  highway  beyond  it. 
It  was  the  enemy's  arriere  garde  scowreing  away  with  all 
speed.  Some  dragoons  were  detach'd  to  follow  them  who 
brought  back  two  or  three  prisoners  and  many  heads  of  cattle. 
We  encamp'd  this  side  of  the  town  the  Saturday  and  the 
Sunday  after  our  Army  coming  to  us,  we  marched  on  the 
other  side  of  the  River  where  we  encamp'd  by  a  corn  field  by 
a  small  ruin'd  village.  The  town  of  Ardagh  is  seated  in  a 
very  pleasant  soil,  and  has  been  a  fine  and  strong  borrough, 
as  one  may  see  by  ye  great  towrs  still  extant.  King  James 
made  there  very  strong  works,  as  if  he  would  have  made  it 
a  place  to  withstand  our  Army,  and  indeed  it  is  a  strong  seated 
town,  being  in  a  plain  having  a  river  of  one  side  and  boggy  of 
ye  other.  Monday  the  last  of  June  we  marched  towards 
Drogheda  where  the  Enemy  were,  and  we  came  within  sight 
of  the  town  at  9  in  y*  morning,  there  we  drew  up  our 
horse  in  three  lines  and  came  in  order  of  Battle  upon  the 
brow  of  a  long  Hill.  There  we  saw  the  enemy  and  were  so 
neare  them  that  we  could  heare  one  another  speak,  there 
being  nothing  but  the  river  between  us.  As  we  were  drawn 
up  we  had  order  to  dismount  and  every  man  stand  by  his 
horse's  head.  We  had  not  been  there  long  but  some  of  the 
King's  Regiment  of  Dragoons  were  detached  and  sent  to  line 


the  river  side.  So  they  begun  to  shutt  at  the  enemy  and  those 
of  King  James's  army  at  'em.  They  had  not  been  long  at  that 
sport,  when  the  King  passing  by  the  first  Troop  of  his 
Guards,  the  enemy  fir'd  two  small  gunns  at  him  one  of  the 
bulletts  greas'd  the  kings  coat  :  then  they  play'd  on  till  three 
of  the  clock  upon  us,  and  shott  often  men  and  horses.  One 
Mr.  William  of  the  3rd  Troop  of  Guard  had  his  arm  shott. 
Some  of  y*  Dutch  Troop  were  kill'd  and  wounded.  Indeed 
'twas  a  madness  to  expose  so  many  good  men  to  the  slaughter 
without  neede,  for  we  had  no  artillery  yet  come  to  answer 
theirs.  Ours  not  commeing  till  3  in  the  afternoon.  We  did 
retire  confusedly  behind  the  hill  at  the  sight  of  the  Ennemy, 
when  it  might  have  bin  better  manadged.  King  James  made 
that  day  a  Review  of  his  Army.  We  had  a  great  mind  to 
force  a  passadge  through  the  river  to  go  to  them,  but  we  left 
it  till  next  morning.  At  three  in  the  afternoon  our  Artillery 
came  up  and  begunn  to  play  upon  theirs  stoutly,  then  the 
ennemy  shew'd  they  had  many  other  batteries  besides  the 
first.  They  play'd  upon  one  another  till  night  then  we  retired 
about  a  mile  sideways.  Next  morning  we  were  up  at  two  of 
the  clock  and  we  march'd  to  gain  a  passage  two  miles  of 
about  5  in  the  morning.  The  passage  was  a  very  steep  hill 
and  a  shallow  river  at  the  bottom.  That  leaded  into  a  very 
fine  plain,  as  we  came  there  we  found  a  party  of  the  Ennemy 
with  four  or  five  pieces  of  Artillery  ready  to  receive  us,  but  that  did 
not  daunt  our  men,  they  went  doun  briskly,  not  with  standing 
their  continual!  fire  upon  us.  The  Grenadiers  and  Dragoons 
were  first  of  the  other  side,  and  we  soon  follow'd  them,  but 
the  ennemy  made  haste  away  with  their  Cannon.  jjWe 
drew  up  in  battle  as  we  came  in  the  Plain,  and  marched 
directly  toward  the  place  appointed  for  the  Battle.  After 
some  houres  we  saw  the  ennemy  comming  down  a  turneing 
between  two  Hills,  which  we  knew  by  the  rising  of  yc  dust, 
and  by  and  by  they  shew  themselves  in  their  best  colours,  for 
they  drew  up  upon  a  line  only,  and  our  Army  was  upon 
three.  We  look'd  upon  one  another  who  should  come  first, 
but  at  last  we  seeing  that  their  foot  and  baggage  was  running 
away,  and  that  the  king  had  engaged  their  right  way,  we 
marched  towards  them  over  ditches  and  tranches.  They 
presently  retir'd  upon  a  mountain  behind  a  little  Town  call'd 
Dulick — where  they  fir'd  three  or  foure  peeces  at  us,  we 
killed  abondance  of  their  men,  and  pursued  the  rest  till  [nine 


of  the  clock,  that  we  overtaking  them,  and  having  too  hotly 
pursued  them  were  almost  upon  them  when  they  faceing  about 
made  as  if  they  had  been  willing  to  receive  us,  but  we  have- 
ing  left  our  foot  and  cannon  behind,  and  considering  how  late 
it  was,  made  halte.  They  fir'd  for  an  houre  and  half 
small  shott  very  thick  upon  us,  for  they  had  hid  partly  in 
bushes.  That  day  we  had  all  some  green  on  our  hatts,  to 
know  one  from  the  other.  At  last  our  cannon  came  and 
play'd  very  smartly  upon  them  till  the  night  comming  they 
retir'd,  and  so  did  we,  we  laying  in  the  plow'd  lands  and  had 
no  tents.  That  day  we  lost  Duke  Schomberg  and  Dr.  Walker 
Governour  of  Londonderry.  They  were  kill'd  in  forcing 
the  passage.  The  king  himself  pass'd  that  way.  Next  day 
we  stay'd  encamped  by  that  place,  and  there  was  a  popish 
gentleman's  house  plundred  by  us.  Thursday  being  the 
3rd  of  July  we  came  neare  a  fine  house  belonging  to  a  papist 
where  we  encamp'd  and  where  I  fell  sick  of  a  violent  feavor 
and  an  extream  fitt  of  ye  gout  in  y*  same  time.  I  was  sent 
to  Dublin  where  I  stay'd  till  Saturday  y*  I2th.  that  I  went  in 
the  company  of  ye  Ajutant  gfiall  of  the  Danish  forces  to  rejoyn 
our  army.  That  day  I  went  to  Kerkollenbridge  16  long 
miles  from  Dublin.  I  passed  through  the  Ness,  a  good  bigg 
burrough.  At  Kerkollenbridge  I  found  our  army  encamp'd, 
and  there  we  stay'd  one  night  and  the  next  day  we  marched 
but  eight  mile.  There  my  sickness  continueing,  or  indeed 
rather  encreaseing  I  was  forced  to  go  to  Castle-dermatt  ;  it 
has  bin  the  seat  of  some  of  the  kings  of  Lyster,  but  now  is  a 
poore  beggarly  town,  though  in  a  very  pretty  plain.  Eight 
miles  beyond  it  upon  the  high  way,  is  the  burying  place  of 
the  kings  of  Lyster  and  there  you  may  see  the  vaults  still  full 
of  bones  and  some  old  inscriptions  upon  large  stones.  Our 
army  went  before  Watterfond  and  after  the  town  was  sur- 
rendred  the  king  went  to  lay  the  siege  before  Limerick, 
whilst  gnall  Douglas  was  gone  to  endeavour  with  part  of  our 
army  to  take  Athlone,  but  he  had  no  better  success  there  than 
our  men  at  Limerick  where  through  the  ill  manadgement  of 
Capt.  Poultney,  who  haveing  had  the  conduct  of  eight  bigg 
pieces  of  artillery  and  several  other  provisions,  unadvisedly 
order'd  his  detachment  to  unbridle  and  turn  the  horses  to 
grass,  for  Sashfield  haveing  notice  of  this  fell  upon  'em  with  a 
very  considerable  party  and  cut  most  of  the  men  to  pieces, 
took  the  canon,  nail'd  them,  burnt  the  carriadges  and  all  the 


amonitions,  and  so  caus'd  by  so  long  a  delay  and  the  weather 
growing  bad  to  raise  the  siege.  The  king  haveing  left  that 
place,  with  the  loss  of  many  men,  took  shipping  for  England. 
Not  long  after  my  Ld  Marlborough  came  from  England 
with  8000  men  and  besiedged  Cork,  he  was  not  long  before  it 
for  it  was  soon  taken  but  we  had  a  great  loss  by  the  Duke  of 
Grafton  who  died  few  days  after,  of  a  wound  in  his  side, 
before  Kingsale.  After  the  raising  of  the  siege  of  Lymerick, 
I  came  along  with  our  troop,  thinking  (as  the  order  was  then) 
to  have  gone  for  England,  but  after  my  staying  the  matter  of 
three  months,  I  went  to  Lurgan  in  the  north  of  Irland,  and 
was  quarter'd  between  Litsenagaroy  and  Lurgan  in  the  parish 
of  Ballandery. 


FOR  twenty  years  past  Mr.  Thomas  Middlemore  of  Mel- 
setter  has  had  search  made  for  records  and  muniments 
from  which  the  history  of  his  family  should  be  compiled. 
Antiquaries  may  applaud  the  pious  task,  but  their  experience 
makes  them  look  with  apprehension  for  the  large  volume 
which  follows  the  making  of  such  a  collection.  But  Mr. 
Middlemore  has  raised  no  paper  cairn  of  misapprehended 
words,  of  tangled  facts  and  helpless  guesses,  having  wisely 
placed  his  collections  in  the  hands  of  a  well-known  genealogist 
by  whose  skill  they  appear  as  an  ordered  narrative  and  a 
worthy  memorial  of  the  varying  fortunes  of  an  ancient  stock. 

Here  we  have  in  a  convenient  and  consultable  form  the 
history  of  the  Middlemores  who  were  for  three  hundred  years 
lords  of  that  Edgbaston  which  is  now  suburban  Birmingham, 
and  the  history  of  the  cadet  branches  of  the  family  settled  in 
London  and  Bristol,  Lincolnshire,  Northamptonshire,  Derby- 
shire and  Sussex,  and  indeed  of  all  Middlemores  whether  the 
link  with  Middlemore  of  Edgbaston  be  found  or  no.  The 
three  hundred  pages  in  good  type  upon  handmade  paper  are 
pleasant  to  hand  and  eye,  and  the  book  is  handsome  and 
enduring  as  befits  one  which  should  be  a  family  heirloom. 

The  first  Middlemore  who  had  Edgbaston  was  Thomas,  a 
citizen  and  a  merchant  of  London,  first  heard  of  in  1396,  one 
of  the  many  citizens  who  have  taken  their  city  money-bag  into 
the  country  side  from  which  they  came,  to  live  as  squires  and 
justices  of  the  peace,  and  to  found  a  house  of  squires  of 
their  name.  Never  coming  to  knightly  rank,  the  rank  of 
squire  is  not  denied  to  the  Middlemores  of  Edgbaston  until 
their  passing  away.  The  list  of  their  marriages,  which  we 
have  surely  recorded  from  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
allows  us  to  judge  of  their  standing  in  the  county.  Richard 
Middlemore,  who  died  in  1 503,  married  a  daughter  of  that  old 

1  Some  Account  of  the  Family  of  Middlemore  of  Warwickshire  and  Worcestershire, 
by  W.  P.  W.  Phillimore,  M.A.,  B.C.L.,  assisted  by  W.  F.  Carter,  B.A. 
Printed  for  private  circulation  and  issued  by  Phillimore  &  Co.,  124  Chancery 
Lane,  London. 



house  of  Throckmorton  which  was  then  and  now  is  of  Cough- 
ton  near  Studley.  Their  son  Thomas  had  to  wife  Anne 
Littleton  from  Pillaton,  a  grand-daughter  of  the  great  Sir 
Thomas  of  the  Treatise  on  Tenures.  The  next  bride  at  Edge- 
baston  Hall  was  an  Egerton  of  Wrynehill,  a  younger  branch 
of  the  great  Cheshire  family,  and  the  next  a  Greswold  of  the 
Solihull  Greswolds.  Robert  Middlemore,  who  died  in  1632, 
married  Priscilla  Brooke  of  Madeley,  grand-daughter  of  a 
Chief  Justice  and  Speaker  of  the  Commons.  Mary  Morgan, 
wife  of  Robert's  son  Richard,  brought  a  Welsh  strain  into 
the  Middlemore  blood,  being  as  it  is  said  a  descendant  of  the 
great  clan  of  the  Herberts.  The  last  marriage  of  a  Squire  Middle- 
more  of  Edgbaston  was  with  a  Scotchwoman,  a  daughter  of 
Sir  Maurice  Drummond,  one  of  the  first  of  King  Charles's 
knights.  The  only  son  of  this  marriage  was  Squire  Richard 
Middlemore  of  Edgbaston  who  died  young  and  unmarried, 
and  whose  only  sister  Mary  carried  the  representation  of  the 
house  to  the  descendants  of  her  two  daughters  by  Sir  John 

How  little  may  be  recovered  of  the  personal  history  of  a 
family  is  well  shown  by  Mr.  Phillimore's  narrative  of  the 
three  centuries  of  Middlemores  of  Edgbaston,  little  can  be 
told  beyond  the  dates  which  inquests,  wills  and  suits  at  law  will 
grudgingly  afford.  The  family  is  always  in  the  shadow  by 
reason  of  its  refusal  to  conform  to  the  national  Church,  and  it 
was  the  fate  of  English  Nonconformists  of  the  Roman 
obedience  to  fall  out  of  the  national  life.  Even  the  religious 
misfortunes  of  the  Middlemores  make  little  interesting  '  copy ' 
for  Mr.  Phillimore,  who  can  do  little  with  bare  details  of  fines 
and  orders  of  sequestration.  Blessed  Humphrey  Middle- 
more  was  indeed  one  of  those  Carthusians  who  suffered  in 
1535,  but  there  is  nothing  but  his  surname  to  connect  him 
with  the  Edgbaston  house,  although  Mr.  Phillimore  finds  a 
place  for  him  tentatively  as  fifth  child  of  Richard  Middlemore 
and  Margery  Throckmorton  upon  no  grounds  whatever,  with 
a  William  Middlemore  as  an  elder  brother,  on  the  ground  that 
a  William  Middlemore  was  presented  to  Birdingbury  rectory 
by  a  Throckmorton.  Here  as  elsewhere,  although  no  positive 
assertion  is  made,  Mr.  Phillimore  is  far  too  ready  to  assume 
that  Middlemores  whom  he  finds  without  the  fold  are  probably 
younger  sons  of  the  chief  of  the  name  in  Warwickshire. 

The  civil  war  of  king  and  parliament  brings  some  colour 


into  the  history.  Here  at  least  dates  and  cramped  facts  give 
us  Richard  Middlemore  of  Edgbaston  as  a  cavalier  in  arms  for 
the  king,  and  the  Middlemore  houses  of  Edgbaston  and 
Hawksley  come  into  history.  Edgbaston  Hall  is  seized  by 
*  Tinker  '  Fox,  a  parliament  colonel,  and  four  hundred  horse 
and  foot  crowd  the  manor  house  and  its  barns.  By  the  fortune 
of  war  Squire  Richard  rides  to  the  siege  of  Hawkeslow  House, 
the  seat  of  Middlemore  of  Hawkeslow  his  distant  kinsman 
of  a  younger  branch,  and  the  records  of  the  parliamentary 
committee  which  dealt  with  cavaliers'  lands  tell  us  that  Richard 
offers  to  bring  a  great  sum  to  the  king's  party  if  they  would 
ride  to  Edgbaston  Hall  and  purge  it  of  Tinker  Fox.  But 
this  cavalier  was  dead  long  before  the  commissioners  nibbed 
their  pens,  and  royal  gratitude  at  the  blessed  restoration  made 
full  amends  for  the  sufferings  of  the  Middlemores  by  setting 
the  name  of  the  young  heir  of  the  house  in  the  list  of  those 
who  were  to  be  Knights  of  the  Royal  Oak.  So  Middlemore 
would  have  come  to  knighthood  at  last  had  the  young  man 
lived  and  had  the  order  of  the  Royal  Oak  been  saved  from 
the  fate  of  King  George's  order  of  Minerva. 

After  dealing  with  the  Middlemores  of  Edgbaston  Mr. 
Phillimore  follows  the  pedigree  of  a  family  of  the  name  living 
in  London  and  Bristol,  and  citizens  and  clothworkers  of  Lon- 
don. They  were  presumably  cadets  of  Edgbaston,  but  the 
five  generations  in  which  they  flourish  and  disappear  offer 
nothing  for  comment.  The  Middlemores  of  Haselwell  are 
of  more  importance.  The  first  of  them  is  one  John  Middle- 
more  of  whom  nothing  more  than  his  name  is  known,  yet  he 
is  nevertheless  on  the  authority  of  a  herald's  pedigree  given 
unquestioned  place  as  a  second  son  of  the  Warwickshire 
family.  He  married  one  Alice,  said  on  the  same  authority  to 
be  daughter  of  William  Lye  of  Haselwell,  which  Alice  brought 
her  husband  her  manor  of  Haselwell  in  Kings  Norton.  They 
are  succeeded  by  a  son  John,  whose  marriage  with  Alice  Rotsey 
is  supported  by  a  reference  to  a  pedigree  by  Vincent,  which 
pedigree  conflicts  with  the  one  recorded  by  the  heralds  in 
1634.  Here  as  elsewhere  Mr.  Phillimore  is  in  the  painful 
position  of  one  who  must  cast  discredit  upon  the  value  of  the 
officially  recorded  pedigrees,  which  in  this  case  have  decided  to 
suppress  John  Middlemore  and  his  wife  together.  Like  their 
cousins  at  Edgbaston  these  Haselwell  Middlemores  carried  a 
heavy  burden  in  their  religion  until  Robert  Middlemore  con- 


formed  under  Charles  I.  They  seem  hardly  to  have  risen  to 
squires'  rank,  and  ended  with  William  Middlemore,  a  London 
apothecary  and  son  of  a  London  cheesemonger,  who  succeeded 
in  1 700  on  his  uncle's  death,  and  died  in  1 709.  The  family 
had  thrown  out  several  cadet  branches,  but  no  living  descend- 
ant from  them  is  known  to  Mr.  Phillimore  since  Colonel 
Robert  Frederick  Middlemore  of  Grantham  died  in  1896. 
For  this  family  of  Haselwell  as  for  the  main  line  the  civil  war 
makes  history,  George  Middlemore  of  Haselwell  being  a 
captain  for  the  king  and  suffering  plunder  at  Haselwell  Hall. 
The  branch  at  Grantham  was  founded  by  George  Middlemore, 
who  died  in  the  year  of  the  plague  and  the  fire,  a  prosperous 
Russia  merchant.  His  son  Richard  followed  in  the  law  a 
trade  with  even  greater  possibilities,  and  acquired  Somerby 
manor  in  Lincolnshire  by  foreclosing  upon  a  mortgage.  He 
was  a  barrister,  a  notary  public,  a  registrar  of  the  archdeaconry 
of  Lincoln  and  some  time  a  filager  in  the  common  pleas.  He 
took  commissions  from  attorneys  for  bringing  business  to  them, 
and  is  recorded  as  having  joined  with  another  in  buying  for 
£480  ioj.,  a  license  to  sell  oranges,  lemons  and  other  fruit  and 
'  confects '  in  the  theatres  of  Dorset  Garden  and  Drury  Lane. 
The  large  sum  paid  for  this  concession  calls  up  a  picture 
of  pit  and  galleries  deep  in  orange-peel  and  sticky  with  '  con- 
fects.' Through  his  mother,  Mary  Sherard,  he  could  claim 
kinship  with  great  folk,  and  so  it  came  about  that  his  son  John 
Francis  Richard  Middlemore  was  an  esquire  to  his  kinsman  the 
Lord  Viscount  Tyrconnel,  when  the  viscount  became  Knight 
of  the  Bath  in  1725.  The  esquire  was  a  barrister  as  his  father 
had  been  and  was  devisee  of  Wickenby  manor  under  the  will 
of  his  cousin  Sir  Brownlow  Sherard.  The  esquire's  son  was 
the  third  barrister  of  the  line,  and  enriched  the  family  muni- 
ments by  keeping  an  itinerary  of  his  rides  through  Eng- 
land and  Scotland — an  itinerary  full  of  the  polite  observation  of 
houses  and  gardens,  picture  galleries  and  statues  which  may 
be  looked  for  in  such  eighteenth  century  documents.  This 
family  ends  with  a  banker  and  three  soldiers.  The  first  soldier 
is  barrack-master  in  the  Isle  of  Man  in  1766.  His  second 
son  is  solicitor  and  banker  in  Nottingham,  and  a  third  son  is 
General  George  Middlemore,  who  has  the  distinction  of  being 
the  only  Middlemore  who  has  found  a  place  in  the  Dictionary 
of  National  Biography's  populous  temple  of  fame.  He  bought 
himself  an  ensigncy — a  pair  of  colours  as  his  contemporaries 


would  have  called  it — in  1792  for  600  guineas.  He  came  to 
India  in  1799,  just  too  late  for  Seringapatam,  but  on  his 
second  visit  to  India  he  saw  service  in  the  Mahratta  war  under 
Sir  David  Baird.  In  the  Peninsular  war  he  was  at  Talavera, 
leading  his  regiment  after  its  colonel  had  fallen  when  it  moved 
to  the  relief  of  the  Guards,  gaining  its  badge  of  the  Cold- 
stream  Star  for  the  48th  and  a  mention  in  despatches  for 
Major  Middlemore.  In  1835  Major-General  Middlemore 
was  governor  of  St.  Helena,  and  in  1 840  he  raises  his  cocked 
hat  in  scores  of  lithographs  and  engravings  as  the  body  of 
Napoleon  starts  on  its  journey  from  Longwood  to  Paris.  He 
seems  to  have  been  a  good  and  useful  officer  and  died  a 
lieutenant-general  in  1850  in  Tunbridge  Wells.  With  his 
second  son,  Colonel  Robert  Frederick  Middlemore,  the  Middle- 
mores  of  the  Grantham  branch  ended  in  1896. 

Another  cadet  branch  of  Middlemore  of  Haslewell  is 
traced  out  by  Mr.  Phillimore  in  the  Middlemores  of  Great 
Sheepey  in  Leicestershire.  They  begin  with  Josias  Middle- 
more,  of  whom  Mr.  Phillimore  with  all  a  lawyer's  contempt 
can  but  say  that  '  he  was  one  of  that  class  of  persons  who  are 
unable  to  conduct  business.'  His  estate  of  Great  Sheepey, 
whose  mild  and  foolish  sounding  name  seems  to  make  it  an 
apt  appanage  of  poor  Josias,  came  to  him  by  his  mother,  but 
it  slipped  away  from  him  nevertheless.  He  begins  long  suits 
at  law  with  his  half  brother  of  Haslewell,  suits  which  are 
carried  on  to  the  days  of  his  grandchildren  ;  but  the  suits 
never  bring  back  Great  Sheepey.  In  1641  he  pleads  as  'a 
distressed  prisoner  in  the  common  gaol,'  and  in  1661  he  can 
still  write  himself'  a  poor  prisoner  in  Leicester  gaol.'  In  this 
quality  no  doubt  he  dies,  and  his  son  George  dies  soon  after 
in  1669.  George's  son  Humphrey,  who,  like  his  grandfather, 
gnaws  the  old  file  of  the  law,  is  sometimes  of  Stepney,  a  yeo- 
man, sometimes  of  St.  John's,  Wapping,  and  St.  Dunstan's, 
Stepney,  a  deal  merchant.  A  son  or  him  may  have  been  a 
seaman ;  in  any  case  these  Middlemores  go  down  into 
obscurity  ;  and  Middlemores,  now  humble  folk  in  the  east 
end,  may  trace  the  woes  of  their  straitened  lives  to  that  in- 
ability of  Josias  Middlemore  to  conduct  business. 

From  these  unfortunates  it  is  pleasant  to  read  of  Middle- 
mores  who  have  gone  down  the  ladder  but  to  scale  it  again. 
Middlemore  of  Edgbaston  and  Middlemore  of  Haslewell  are 
gone  leaving  no  descendant  acknowledged  of  their  name  and 


blood.  From  a  third  house,  however,  Middlemore  of  Hawkes- 
ley,  comes  the  Middlemore  to  whose  liberality  the  family  owes 
this  present  record  of  its  existence. 

This  house  of  Middlemore  of  Hawkesley  or  Hawkeslow 
begins  its  story  with  Nicholas  Middlemore,  styled  younger  son 
of  Thomas  Middlemore,  the  first  of  Edgbaston,  and  husband  of 
Agnes,  daughter  of  Thomas  Hawkeslow  of  Hawkeslow  in 
Kings  Norton,  the  same  parish  in  which  lies  the  manor  of 
Haslewell,  the  seat  of  another  branch  of  Middlemore.  That 
this  third  family  of  Middlemore  was  of  kin  to  Middlemore  of 
Edgbaston  and  Haslewell  there  can  be  little  doubt,  but  it  is 
none  the  less  necessary  to  point  out  that  no  better  evidence 
for  the  existence  of  Nicholas  its  ancestor  or  of  Agnes  his 
wife  can  be  adduced  than  the  fact  that  they  decorate  the  top 
of  the  pedigree  compiled  centuries  after  by  the  industrious 
Vincent,  a  genealogist  whose  industry  was  more  noteworthy 
than  his  accuracy  when  he  came  to  deal  with  documents  of  the 
medieval  period.  The  suggestion  that  the  occurrence  of  the 
name  of  Nicholas  when  set  beside  the  name  of  Nichole,  which 
was  the  name  of  '  Agnes  Hawkeslow's '  great-great-grand- 
mother, makes  a  coincidence  corroborative  in  any  degree  of 
the  existence  of  Nicholas  Hawkeslow  is  quite  unworthy  of 
Mr.  Phillimore,  for  we  protest  that  Nicholas  is  a  sufficiently 
common  name  although  qualified  by  Mr.  Phillimore  as  '  not 
very  common,'  and  Nichole,  which  he  labels  '  unusual,'  is 
well  known  and  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  fourteenth 
century.  Here,  as  in  an  earlier  case,  we  must  remind 
Mr.  Phillimore  that  there  is  no  commoner  trick  of  the 
Elizabethan  heralds  than  the  trick  which  would  account  for 
the  possession  of  a  manor  by  the  marriage  of  an  early  ancestor 
with  the  female  heir  of  the  earlier  owners  of  the  manor.  In 
this  case  the  Elizabethan  pedigrees  do  not  agree  amongst 
themselves,  and  Mr.  Phillimore  quotes  one  which  makes 
Thomas  of  Nicholas.  Our  doubt  increases  when  we  find 
that  for  John,  son  of  Nicholas,  and  for  his  wife,  a  '  daughter 
of  Jennings  alias  Eye  of  Eye,'  the  sixteenth  century  pedigree 
compilers  are  our  only  authorities.  With  Thomas,  son  of 
John  and  grandson  of  Nicholas,  we  touch  fact  at  last.  Mr. 
Phillimore  styles  him  'of  Hawkeslow,'  although  he  admits 
that  his  only  valid  reference  styles  him  of  Throgmorton.  As 
*  Thomas  Myddulmore  armiger  de  Frogemorton  '  he  is  ad- 
mitted with  his  wife  Eleanor  to  that  gild  of  Knowle  whose 


gild-book  has  thrown  so  much  light  on  Warwickshire  gene- 
alogy. As  no  record  connects  him  with  his  alleged  son,  the 
pedigree  of  the  Middlemores  of  Hawkeslow  may  begin,  for 
the  careful  genealogist,  with  that  son  William  Middlemore, 
gentleman,  who  under  that  style  makes  his  will  in  1549,  and 
desires  to  be  buried  in  Kings  Norton  church  by  his  first  wife 
Margery.  Dorothy,  a  second  wife,  survived  him.  His  first 
wife  is  called  daughter  of  Robert  Gatacre  of  Gatacre,  and 
William  Gatacre,  a  brother-in-law,  is  an  executor  of  the  will  ; 
but  no  evidence  is  given  for  the  marriage.  If  the  mention 
of  William  Gatacre  may  be  allowed  to  prove  a  Gatacre 
marriage,  why  must  Margery  and  not  Dorothy  be  selected  ? 
The  very  elaboration  and  careful  preparation  of  Mr.  Philli- 
more's  pedigree  warrants  us  in  asking  this,  and  in  asking  also 
the  compiler's  authority  for  assigning  all  the  nine  children  of 
William  Middlemore  to  his  first  marriage  bed.  Such  refer- 
ences to  authority  would  have  been  of  more  service  to  the 
sober  genealogist  than  the  childish  boast  that  through  the 
Gatacre  marriage  the  Middlemores  of  Birmingham  'trace  a 
royal  descent '  from  Alfred  the  Great,  which  '  royal  descent ' 
is  set  out  at  length  in  the  appendix.  We  know  that  probably 
every  Englishman  in  the  kingdom  has  such  a  *  royal  descent,' 
and  that  a  tyro  in  genealogy  can  fly  such  a  kite  for  almost 
any  postulant  with  a  few  generations  of  pedigree  as  a  starting- 
point.  In  our  day  therefore  these  toys  are  obsolete  and  may 
well  be  left  to  the  popular  heraldry  book  makers  whose  larger 
public  has  not  yet  come  to  a  just  estimation  of  the  value  of 
their  wares. 

The  steadfastness  in  the  Roman  faith  of  so  many  members 
of  an  English  family  is  somewhat  remarkable.  The  Hawkes- 
low family  were  of  the  same  mind  as  their  cousins  of  Edgbas- 
ton,  and  John  Middlemore  of  Hawkeslow,  son  of  the  last 
named  William,  sent  at  least  two  of  his  sons  to  Rome  for 
their  education.  William  Middlemore,  the  heir  of  Hawkes- 
low, appears  first  in  a  character  sympathetic  and  familiar 
through  the  ages,  that  of  the  student  who  finds  Latin  *  very 
difficult,'  and  he  is  sent  back  from  Rome,  where  the  difficult 
Latin  is  deemed  so  necessary,  to  England,  where  he  and  a 
companion  have  their  bags  rummaged  as  ours  are  rummaged 
to-day,  and  in  their  bags  are  found  many  letters  from  young 
papists  abroad,  some  crucifixes,  c  a  picture  of  Maire  Mawdlyn 
holowed  and  certain  other  tryffles.'  Young  William  came 


home  to  a  house  burdened  with  the  fines  and  exactions  which 
made  the  life  of  the  recusant  a  hard  one.  Two-thirds  of 
Hawkeslow  are  leased  over  his  father's  head  by  the  Crown 
to  his  uncle  Henry,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  prudent 
conformist.  William  of  the  bad  Latin  married  twice,  and 
lived  the  secluded  life  of  a  recusant,  making  no  history  for  the 
Middlemores  beyond  his  disputes  in  his  old  age  with  his  dis- 
honest housekeeper.  With  his  son  John  the  fortunes  of  the 
family  set  downhill,  and  John  dies  in  Worcester  gaol  after  six 
years  in  that  sad  lodging,  having  bred  up  thirteen  young  re- 
cusants to  follow  him.  The  four  daughters  do  not  marry, 
and  the  eight  younger  sons  leave  no  issue  beyond  the  second 
generation.  William  the  heir  lives  through  the  civil  war, 
which  comes  drumming  and  trumpeting  to  his  own  door. 
Hawkeslow  is  garrisoned  for  the  Parliament  with  sixty  foot 
and  above  forty  horse,  who  make  a  stout  fight  against  Prince 
Rupert's  men,  and  surrender  at  last  when  Charles  himself 
rides  to  the  leaguer.  The  defenders  have  good  terms  made 
with  them,  but  the  Middlemore  house  of  Hawkeslow  pays  for 
its  hour  of  dangerous  fame,  being  pillaged  and  burned  by 
Lord  Astley  before  the  war  moves  on. 

About  this  time  a  significant  note  appears  amongst  the 
Middlemore  evidences.  They  cease  to  style  themselves 
'  esquire,'  and  take  their  places  amongst  the  '  gentlemen.' 
They  are  still  outside  the  national  faith,  and  on  King  George's 
coming  they  appear  amongst  those  who  refuse  to  take  the 
prescribed  oaths.  Soon  after  this  they  conform,  but  too  late, 
and  the  conformity  of  Middlemore  of  Hawkeslow  is  but  a 
village  happening.  In  1724  John  Middlemore  of  Hawkesley, 
as  Hawkeslow  is  then  spelled,  is  plain  yeoman,  a  man  whose 
condition  cannot  be  described  as  that  of  a  gentleman,  and 
yeoman  and  less  the  family  continues  to  write  itself,  despite 
the  handbooks  which  make  clear  to  us  that  gentleman  is  the 
true  rank  for  him  whose  arms  are  '  on  record,'  even  though 
he  lack  shirt  and  boots.  By  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century  Middlemore  of  Hawkesley  is  described  in  a  history  of 
Birmingham  as  'the  setting  glympse  of  a  shining  family,' 
whose  estate  is,  '  exclusive  of  a  few  peppercorns  and  red  roses 
long  since  withered,  reduced  to  one  little  farm,  tilled  for  bread 
by  the  owner.'  Richard  Middlemore  is  the  last  of  Hawkes- 
ley. He  lives  a  farmer  and  yeoman,  but  is  buried  as  esquire 
in  1831,  and  two  of  his  three  daughters  survive  to  sell 

FORTUNES    OF    A    MIDLAND    HOUSE    41 

Hawkesley  to  a  kinsman  whose  prosperity  has  risen  as  theirs 
waned.  His  brothers  marry  and  beget  children,  but  there  are 
no  more  shields  of  arms  to  set  in  Mr.  Phillimore's  broad 
margins.  The  Middlemores  are  now  maltsters  and  innholders, 
private  soldiers  of  the  line  and  shellbacks  under  the  red  en- 

For  the  saving  of  the  name  from  the  place  of  forgotten 
things  we  look  to  a  younger  son  of  George  Middlemore  of 
Hawkesley,  who  died  in  1727.  This  brother  of  the  first 
yeoman  in  the  pedigree  is  Robert  Middlemore,  who  goes  to 
work  as  a  bridle  cutter  in  Birmingham,  and  brings  new  blood 
to  his  impoverished  stock  by  marrying  with  Barbara  Amer- 
ongen,  probably  the  daughter  of  Justanus  Amerongen,  a 
Birmingham  button  maker  from  the  low  countries,  by  whom 
he  has  ten  children  and  more,  of  whom  the  eldest,  George 
Middlemore,  conforms  to  the  National  Church.  He  is  a 
bridle  cutter  as  his  father  was,  and  removes  to  Walsall,  where 
the  saddlery  trade  has  its  centre.  With  John  his  son  bridle- 
cutting  is  no  longer  a  good  trade,  and  he  disappears  into 
London,  where  he  dies  in  poor  obscurity  at  some  unknown 
date  in  the  early  nineteenth  century.  Then  at  last  the  luck 
turns.  John's  son  Richard,  born  at  Stratford-on-Avon  in 
1778,  founds  in  Birmingham,  as  a  young  man  of  twenty-three, 
a  business  which  has  now  prospered  for  nearly  a  century. 
Bridle-cutting  and  accoutrement  making  bring  government 
contracts  for  leather  work,  and  the  story  of  the  firm  of 
Middlemore  &  Sons  carries  us  to  the  time  when  cycle  acces- 
sories take  the  place  of  much  bridle  cutting. 

In  1869  the  grandson  of  Richard  Middlemore  is  able  to 
write  himself  Middlemore  of  Hawkesley,  having  bought  the 
last  of  the  old  estate  from  the  two  old  maiden  ladies  into 
whose  hands  it  had  descended,  and  soon  afterwards  his  son, 
now  lord  of  four  islands  in  far  away  Orkney,  begins  the  collec- 
tion of  the  materials  for  that  history  of  his  ancestors  which 
has  come  to  such  an  excellent  ending  in  the  hand  of  Mr. 

The  newer  novelists  are  beginning  to  see  the  human 
interest  which  follows  the  winner  in  the  cockpit  of  trade,  and 
in  the  buying  back  of  the  ancient  seat  of  Hawkesley  we  have 
a  last  chapter  which  would  reconcile  the  story  of  Middlemore 
and  Sons  to  the  romancer  in  the  older  manner. 

Whilst  applauding  Mr.  Phillimore's  work  and  giving  it  its 


due  place  as  one  of  the  most  accurate  as  well  as  one  of  the 
handsomest  of  English  family  histories,  a  few  points  remain 
for  criticism.  Some  of  these  points  have  regard  to  technical 
detail,  and  in  pressing  these  we  remember  that  the  author  of 
the  well-known  manual  How  to  Write  the  History  of  a  Family 
invites  closer  criticism  than  a  lesser  writer.  We  may  instance 
the  recurrent  and  very  irritating  fact  of  the  uncertainty  attach- 
ing to  many  of  the  dates  given.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
old  civil  year  of  the  records  began  on  25  March,  and  the 
device  of  the  '  double  date  '  is  used  by  genealogists  for  avoid- 
ing confusion  between  dates  following  the  ancient  method 
and  the  modern  historical  year.  Mr.  Phillimore  in  this  matter 
has  no  method.  A  notable  example  occurs  on  page  107, 
which  has  extracts  from  a  parish  register.  Here  we  have 
Henry  Middlemore,  christened  '13  Feb.  i6i|,'  followed  by 
Cicely  Middlemore,  buried  '  10  Jan.  1616.'  The  date  of 
Henry's  christening  is  therefore  accurately  stated,  but  Cicely's 
burial  may  have  taken  place  according  to  our  modern  reckon- 
ing, for  all  Mr.  Phillimore  helps  us,  either  in  1616  or  1617. 
When  Richard  Middlemore  dies  on  *  1 6  Feb.  1 503,'  we  have 
again  two  years  to  choose  from,  and  as  the  double  date  only 
affects  days  from  i  Jan.  to  24  March  we  cannot  explain  the 
date  (on  page  183)  of  7  May  163!. 

More  serious  criticism  than  this  is  aroused  by  Mr.  Philli- 
more's  treatment  of  the  earlier  generations  of  the  family.  As 
the  author  assures  us  that  nineteen  generations  of  the  family 
are  now  on  record  at  the  College  of  Arms,  we  are  forced  to 
believe  that  the  veneration  for  official  sanction  in  the  matters 
of  genealogy  and  armory  has  not  allowed  him  to  question 
the  earlier  generations  even  when  his  evidence  to  support 
them  is  of  the  slightest.  Genealogists  are  learning  that  hardly 
any  research  can  be  undertaken  in  the  early  history  of  ancient 
families  without  injury  to  the  ricketty  fabrics  of  the  pedigrees 
compiled  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  The 
new  wine  cannot  be  poured  into  old  bottles.  These  apochry- 
pha  of  our  forefathers  may  be  read  for  edification  of  a  varied 
kind,  but  we  must  oppose  with  a  will  any  attempt  to  make  of 
them  a  canon  of  inspired  genealogy.  Let  us  take  the  first 
three  generations  of  Middlemore  as  a  text. 

John  of  Middlemore  is  the  patriarch  from  whom  rises  the 
family  tree.  For  his  existence  there  is  evidence  enough.  A 
John  Middlemore  is  found  in  Studley  and  Solihull  in  1327. 

FORTUNES    OF   A    MIDLAND    HOUSE     43 

A  John  Middlemore,  and  possibly  the  same  John,  is  engaged 
in  affairs  of  the  law  from  1332  to  1343.  A  John  Middlemore 
in  1343,  as  son  and  heir  of  another  John  Middlemore,  makes 
a  release  of  lands  in  Solihull  and  Tanworth  which  he  held  by 
grant  of  Lettice  his  mother.  Here  we  have,  as  it  seems, 
father,  mother  and  son. 

But  the  second  Middlemore  of  Mr.  Phillimore's  pedigree 
is  one  Henry  Middlemore,  and  we  search  in  vain  for  any 
evidence  which  should  make  him  son  of  John.  Mr.  Philli- 
more  styles  him  '  of  Mapleborough  '  because  Dugdale  remarks 
that  the  Middlemores  were  formerly  of  that  place.  A  Henry 
Middlemore  was  an  attorney  tor  a  Beauchamp  in  1365  and 
appears  again  in  1368.  But  who  he  was  and  where  he  dwelt 
are  unknown,  and  we  may  ask  why  he  should  be  placed  where 
he  is  in  the  Middlemore  pedigree  without  a  dotted  line  or 
other  indication  of  doubt.  Three  Middlemores  at  least  were 
living  in  this  neighbourhood  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  from  any  one  of  whom  he  might  descend.  And 
while  demanding  the  reason  for  the  decision  that  Henry  must 
needs  be  son  of  John,  whose  only  known  son  is  another  John, 
we  may  ask  why  Henry  is  selected  as  father  for  Thomas 
Middlemore,  the  first  undoubted  ancestor  of  Middlemore  of 
Edgbaston.  Here  again  there  is  not  a  button's  worth  of 
evidence  for  the  connecting  line,  and  nothing  in  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  genealogy  is  allowed  to  show  us  that  Mr. 
Phillimore  regards  the  occurrence  of  two  names  in  a  pedigree 
made  three  hundred  years  away  from  the  facts  as  having  any 
less  weight  than  his  carefully  arranged  evidences  from  inquests 
and  wills. 

It  is  curious  to  see  how  little  proof  we  have  of  the  great 
Middlemore  match  with  Isabel,  the  heir  of  Edgbaston  of 
Edgbaston.  That  he  married  one  Isabel,  who  brought  him 
the  manor  of  Edgbaston,  is  certain,  by  reason  that  Richard 
Clodeshall,  her  second  husband,  entered  upon  the  manor 
after  her  death  by  the  courtesy  of  England.  But  Isabel's 
surname  is  only  a  name  in  a  pedigree.  The  pedigree  of  the 
Edgbastons  as  deduced  from  records  gives  no  such  lady,  and 
again  we  ask  Mr.  Phillimore  for  proofs.  Much  is  made  of 
the  fact  that  a  shield  of  arms  formerly  in  the  glass  of  Edg- 
baston church  is  assigned  by  Dugdale  to  the  family  of 
Edgbaston  and  that  the  same  shield  was  there  found  quartered 
by  Middlemore.  But  the  glass  seems  to  have  been  set  up  at 


the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  as  it  has  also  the  shield  of 
Middlemore  impaling  Throckmorton,  and  although  an  Edg- 
baston  may  well  have  borne  such  a  shield,  apparently  founded 
on  that  of  Birmingham,  we  find  no  evidence  for  it.  Indeed 
there  is  something  of  evidence  against  it,  for  it  was  suggested 
by  Dugdale  that  the  father  of  Isabel  was  son  of  Richard 
Edgbaston  of  Swinford  in  Leicestershire,  and  Mr.  Phillimore 
does  not  note  that  the  arms  of  this  family  of  Edgbaston,  in 
the  only  shield  of  Edgbaston  known  to  students  of  ancient 
armory,  do  not  even  distantly  resemble  this  quartering  of 
Middlemore.  In  view  of  all  these  doubts  we  may  again  point 
out  that  the  family  for  whom  this  record  was  compiled,  though 
doubtless  having  some  degree  of  kinship  with  the  old  Middle- 
mores  of  Edgbaston,  are  here  connected  with  that  line  by  two 
generations  who  only  exist  for  us  as  names  in  a  heraldic  manu- 
script compiled  at  a  period  at  which  we  are  taught  by  experi- 
ence to  look  for  carelessness  and  fraud. 

These  things  apart,  and  we  are  not  disposed  to  lessen  their 
importance,  Mr.  Phillimore  is  to  be  congratulated  on  seeing 
his  labours  come  to  so  handsome  an  end.  If  the  Middlemore 
line  goes  on,  and  having  read  its  interesting  story  we  may 
say  floreat  domus,  this  book  will  remain  their  best  heirloom, 
as  it  is  for  their  dead  and  gone  forefathers  a  worthy  monu- 

O.  B. 


THE  cessation  of  civil  strife  which  followed  the  accession 
of  Henry  of  Navarre  to  the  throne  of  France  brought 
great  changes  in  French  social  life.  The  increase  in  the  trade 
and  prosperity  of  the  country  brought  into  existence  a  power- 
ful middle  class  ;  while  the  religious  struggles  had  to  some  ex- 
tent, especially  in  the  south,  broken  down  the  feudal  barriers 
of  rank  between  the  Protestant  nobility  and  middle  classes  ; 
the  former  had  formed  alliances,  at  all  events  in  the  younger 
branches,  with  the  powerful  bourgeoisie,  which  constituted  a 
lesser  nobility. 

To  this  petite  noblesse  the  family  of  Costebadie  belonged, 
and,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Barons  and  the  Vandeputs,  the 
cause  of  the  emigration  of  the  English  branch  was  its  associa- 
tion with  c  the  religion  ' — feglise  prttendue  reformee. 

I.  The  recorded  pedigree  begins  with  JEAN  DE  COSTEBADIE, 
who  in  1581  was  one  of  the  'bourgeois  '  of  Tonneins  in  the 
Agenais,  at  that  time  a  title  of  honour  and  a  mark  of  distinc- 
tion conferred  by  a  town  for  protection  or  other  service  ren- 
dered to  it  by  a  noble.  He  was  also  one  of  the  four  '  consuls' 
of  the  town. 

He  died  before  1621,  as  appears  by  a  proces  dated 
31  January,1  1621,  against  his  widow,  Marie  Bonis,  by  whom 
he  left  six  children. 

i.  Jean  de  Costebadie,  a  Protestant  minister,  who  left  one 

son  Cirus,  avocat.     Wife  unknown. 

ii.  Jean  de  Costebadie,  sieur  de  Tulle,  secretary  to  the 
Due  de  Candalle  (1660-5).  He  married  Jeanne 
Vallois,  who  appears  as  godmother  to  one  Abraham 
Costebadie  de  Bazats,  son  of  Frangois  and  Anne  de 
Bazats,3  baptized  1 8  January,  1 647,  by  Maitre  Costa- 
iii.  Jean  Jacques  de  Costebadie,  or  Jacob,  as  he  is  called  in 

1  Archives  de  Lot  tt  Garonne,  A  gen.  B.  775. 
a  Ibid.  E.  Supplement,  2357  (G.  G.  30). 

45  r> 


the  marriage  settlement  of  his  son  Jean.     Of  whom 
iv.  Francois  de  Costebadie,  who  died  in  1 66 1,  leaving  one 

daughter  by  his  wife  Marie  Baucon. 
i.  D.  Jeanne  de  Costebadie. 

ii.  D.  Marie  de  Costebadie,  wife  of  Pierre  de  Vauze, 
whose  daughter  Marie  married  a  Protestant 
minister,  Abraham  Galline,  d.s.p. 

II.  JEAN  JACQUES,  or  JACOB,  DE  COSTEBADIE,  was  born  circ. 
1590  at  Tonneins,  one  of  the  centres  of  the  'religion '  in  the 
Agenais.  He  became  a  Protestant  minister,  but  is  chiefly 
distinguished  by  his  literary  works,  being  known  as  '  The 
Poet  of  the  Agenais.'  The  only  work  which  has  been  pre- 
served however  is  a  collection  of  epigrams  entitled,  Johannis 
Costebadii  Aquitani  Epigrammaticum.  Libri  Octo.  Salmurii. 
Is.  Desbordes,  I854.1  410.  Dedicated  to  the  senate,  political, 
ecclesiastical  and  academical,  of  Bale.  The  style  appears  to 
have  been  modelled  on  that  of  Owen  ;  perhaps  the  only  passage 
of  any  real  value  is  that  describing  the  course  of  the  Garonne, 
p.  139.  In  the  Cbronique  des  Eglises  Reformees  de  V Agenais 
(Toulouse,  1870.  I2mo)  Alphonse  Lagarde  has  reprinted 
the  xxxi.  epigram  on  the  burning  of  Tonneins  in  1622.  La 
Franc  de  Perpignan  wrote  a  curious  and  interesting  letter 
28  May,  1744,  on  Jacob  de  Costebadie  (CEuvres  diverses,  ed.  3, 
1753,  3  vols.  i2mo,  p.  282),  since  reprinted  by  M.  Tamizey 
de  Larroque  in  vol.  xi.  Revue  de  it  Aquitaine. 

He  also  left  two  printed  sermons,  published  at  Charenton, 
1642,  8vo. 

Jean  Jacques  de  Costebadie  was  educated 2  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  Montauban,  and  afterwards  at  Geneva,  where  his  entry 
is  recorded,  '  J.  Costebadius  Thoneinensius,  Nov.  4,  1614.' 

His  first  pastorate  was  at  La  Brede,  from  which  place  he 
removed  to  Salinde.  He  was  appointed  to  Clairac  in  1 634, 
where  he  remained  till  1661,  when  he  received  his  discharge, 
owing  to  age  and  infirmities,  and  died  in  1674. 

[NOTE. — There  is  some  doubt  as  to  whether  he  removed 
to  Clairac  till  1655  ;  if  so,  the  Maitre  Costabadie,  minister 
there  in  1647,  was  probably  his  eldest  brother.] 

By  his  wife  Marie  Braunes,  daughter  of  Daniel  Braunes 
and  Anne  Roi,  he  left  five  children. 

1  La  France  Protestante,  Jiang,  iv.  73.  2   Ibid.  iv.  73. 


i.  Jean  de  Costebadie,  emigrated  to  England  in  1684. 
ii.  A  second  Jean  de  Costebadie,  mentioned  in  his  elder 
brother's  marriage  contract  as  'Jean  puisnay,'  d.s.p. 
1715.  He  left  a  will  in  favour  of  his  sister  Anne, 
with  reversion  to  his  brother  Jean,  if  ever  he  should 
return  to  France  (drawn  and  signed  by  Lebon.  W. 

i.  D.  Jeanne,  whose  marriage  certificate,  dated  2  Novem- 
ber, 1676,*  with  Jean  Costes,  merchant,  of  Bor- 
deaux, describes  her  as  '  Jehanne  de  Costebadie, 
damoiselle,  fille  de  feu  sieur  Jacob  Costebadie, 
bourgeois,  et  de  Braune,  damoiselle.' 
ii.  D.  Marie  de  Costebadie,  wife  of  Jean  Coutry  or 
Courtois,  apothecary,  of  Bordeaux.  She  is  prob- 
ably the  Marie  Costebadie,  who  is  mentioned  in 
Hozier's  MS.  collection  (Bib.  Nat.  Paris)  as  being 
the  widow  of  N  ...  Courtoide,  bourgois  de  la 
Ville  Bordeaux.  The  coat  attributed  to  her 
is  a  wonderful  example  of  the  armory  of  the 
French  bourgeoisie.  It  has  a  bird,  three  cypress 
trees,  a  heart  and  darts,  a  crescent,  two  carp  in  a 
river,  and  other  matters,  but  it  bears  no  resem- 
blance to  that  borne  by  her  family,  with  the 
exception  of  the  3  stars  which  are  shown  here 
as  gold  upon  an  azure  chief, 
iii.  D.  Anne  de  Costebadie,  wife  of  Jean  du  Vigneau, 

surgeon,  of  Bordeaux. 

III.  JEAN  DE  COSTEBADIE  was  born  at  Tonneins,  and 
finished  his  education  at  Geneva  15  October,  1668.  In  the  same 
year  he  was  accepted  for  the  ministry  by  the  Synod  of  Basse- 
Guyenne,3  held  at  Montpazier,  and  ordained  by  the  laying  on 
of  hands  by  M.  Garisolles,  minister  of  Castelmoron,  1 1  Nov. 
i668.3  He  was  sent  to  Argentat  to  prepare  for  the  office  of 
pastor,  and  became  minister  of  the  Protestant  congregation 
there,  where  he  remained  till  1683,  when  he  removed  to 
Beaumont,  in  Perigord. 

His  wife,  whom  he  married  12  February,  1673,  at  Argentat, 

1  Registre  <te  Fetal-civil  Protestant  (Tonneins),  E.  Supplement,  2357  (G.  G. 
*  La  France  Pntestante,  Haag.  iv.  73. 

3  Reg.  dt  PEtat  civil  Pntestante  Archives  de  Lot  et  Garonne  (Tonneins)  E. 
Supplement  2357  (G.  G.  30).  Imposition  des  mains  par  M.  Garisolles, 
ministre  de  Castelmoron  sur  M.  Costabadie. 


was  Damoiselle  Jeanne  d'Echaunies,  or  de  Chaunies,  daughter  of 
Pierre,  Seigneur  d'Echaunies  and  Anne  de  Greil,  widow  of 
Betut,  ecuyer,  Seigneur  de  Nonars,  whom  she  had  married  be- 
fore she  was  18.  The  family  de  Greil  was  from  the  Auvergne. 
His  marriage  contract  describes  him  as  '  ministre  de 
1'eglise  pretendue  reformee  de  la  presente  ville,  fils  naturel  et 
legitime  de  sieur  Jacob  de  Costebadie,  et  de  damoiselle  Marie 
Braunes,  habitans  de  Tonneins-Desoubs,  en  Agennois.'  His 
father  being  infirm,  his  place  was  taken  by  Jean  de  Costebadie 
(puisnay)  who  acted  as  '  procureur '  for  his  father,  in  the  mar- 
riage settlements.  Considerable  sums  of  money  were  settled 
by  both  parties,  his  wife  brought  him  a  dowry  of  5000  livres 
from  her  father's  side  and  3000  from  her  mother's.  Among 
the  articles  of  furniture  included  in  the  settlement  were '  un  lit 
de  serge  de  Seigneur  vert  avec  la  couverture  trainante,  le  tout 
garni  de  frange  de  soie,  et  de  linge  a  sa  discreption.' 

The  marriage  took  place  'dans  la  maison  de  demoiselle 
Anne  de  Greil, , veuve  de  Sieur  Pierre  Chaunies  (sic)  en  la  ville 
d'Argentat,  Bas-Limousin,  Viscomte  de  Turenne.'1 

They  left  seven  children,  of  whom  only  five  are  recorded. 
i.  Pierre  de  Costebadie,  who  travelled  in  Italy,  Germany 
and  Turkey,  and  who  was  killed  in  action  in  the  army 
of  William  III.  in  the  Low  Countries, 
ii.  Jean  Jacques  de  Costebadie  who  became  a  naturalized 

Englishman,  ancestor  of  the  English  branch. 

iii.  Jean  Gril  or  Greil  de  Costebadie,  not  mentioned  in  the 

French  pedigree,  but  whose  marriage  is  recorded  in 

the  registers  of  the  French  Church  in  Spring  Gardens, 

to  Mary  Guillot,  6  July,  1710  (Jean  Gril  Coste  Badie). 

i.  D.  Jeanne  de  Costebadie,  wife  of  .  .  .  de  Martret, 

Sieur  de  Betut  ;  born  1681. 

ii.  D.  Lucie  de  Costebadie,  who  died  in  1769  at  a  great 
age  at  Argentat.  Like  her  sister  Jeanne,  she 
was  left  in  France,  and  brought  up  as  a  Catholic. 
According  to  a  pedigree  in  the  possession  of 
Dr.  Morelly  of  Argentat,  she  had  some  romantic 
adventures,  and  died  possessed  of  great  riches. 
For  many  years  she  carried  on  a  lawsuit  against 
her  cousin  Anne  d'Echaunie. 
According  to  M.  Tamizey  de  Larroque,  Jean  de  Coste- 

1  Archives  de  Lot  et  Garonne,  B.  83,  fol.  215  and  214  V. 


badie  left  France  in  1684,  the  year  before  the  actual  Revo- 
cation, taking  with  him  two  of  his  children,  and  leaving  his 
wife  and  five  others  in  France.  He  settled  at  York  in  1686. 
In  1704  we  find  them  in  London,  their  names  being  on  the 
list  of  refugees  assisted  by  the  English  government  (Jean  Cos- 
tebadie,  sa  femme  et  quatre  enrants).  The  tradition  is  that 
both  he  and  his  wife  made  several  journeys  to  France  on 
their  children's  account  between  1684  and  1688,  and  it  is 
possible  that  the  youngest  were  taken  back  from  England 
to  their  native  land  and  relations. 

IV.  JEAN  JACQUES,  or  JACOB,  COSTEBADIE  was  born  i  at  Argen- 
tat  in  1684,  the  year  of  his  father's  exile,  and  was  brought  to 
England  in  1686.  He  was  naturalized  5  Anne.  He  held 
the  Stamp  Office  at  York  for  some  years,  and  was  a  proctor 
in  the  Ecclesiastical  Court.  His  death  took  place  in  1758, 
and  he  was  buried  3 1  October  at  St.  Michael  le  Belfrey's, 
York,  in  an  altar  tomb  in  the  churchyard  to  the  east  of  the 
church,  and  a  monument  to  his  memory  within  the  church 
records  several  charities  left  by  him.  He  married  Rebecca 
Robinson,  daughter  of  Humphrey  Robinson  of  Thicket 
Priory,  an  ancient  Yorkshire  family,  son  of  Richard  Robinson 
of  Thicket  and  Jane  Akroyd,  second  daughter  and  coheiress 
of  John  Akroyd  of  Foggathorpe,  who  died  in  1670,  and  who 
was  great-great-grandson  of  Edward  Akroyd,  eldest  brother  of 
William  Akroyd,  M.A.,  priest  at  the  altar  of  the  B.V.  Mary 
at  York,  and  rector  of  Marston.  By  his  will  dated  12  Sep- 
tember, 1518,  William  Akroyd  left  his  lands  to  keep  'one 
scholar  at  Cambridge  or  Oxford  to  the  end  of  the  world,'  and 
ordained  that  such  scholars  should  be  of  kindred  to  him  in 
blood  of  his  name,  Akroyd,  or  in  default,  one  near  to  him  in 
blood  of  another  name.  Cardinal  Wolsey  was  executor  to 
this  will. 

By  his  wife  Rebecca,  Jacob  Costebadie  left  three  children  : 
i.  Jacob  Costebadie,  who  continues  the  line, 
ii.  Henry  Costebadie,  commander  R.N.   d.s.p.  at  Acomb 

near  York,  aged  8 1 . 

i.  D.  Rebecca  Costebadie  married  John  Clough  of  York 
and  Newbold  Hall,  proctor  and  banker,  and  left 
issue  two  sons  and  three  daughters,  of  whom  the 
youngest  daughter  Harriet  married  the  Rev. 
Francis  Metcalfe,  M.A.,  rector  of  Kirkbride, 
Cumberland,  and  patron  of  the  living. 


V.  JACOB  COSTEBADIE  was  born  in  1724,  and  baptized  at  the 
church  of  St.  Michael  le  Belfry,  York,  3  March,  1724-5.    He 
was  appointed   to  the   Akroyd  Exhibition,  being  of  founder's 
kin,  and  educated   at  Jesus   College,  Cambridge.     He   was 
rector  of  Wensley  for  fifty-three  years,  1750-1802,  where  he 
died  aged  78.    His  altar  tomb  is  in  the  churchyard  to  the  east 
of  the  chancel.     By  his  wife,  a  Miss  Rutter  of  Houghton-le- 
Spring,  he  left  two  children  : 

i.  Jacob  Costebadie. 

i.  D.  Anne  Costebadie,  married  the  Rev.  Thomas  Lund, 
rector  of  Barton. 

VI.  JACOB  COSTEBADIE  (or  Costobadie)  was  born  in  1758, 
and  was  appointed  to  the  Akroyd  Exhibition   in  1775,  being 
of  founder's  kin.     He  succeeded  his  father  as  rector  of  Wens- 
ley  in  1802,  and  held  the  living  for  twenty-six  years,  until  his 
death  in  1828,  8  November.     Previously  to  becoming  rector 
of  Wensley  he  held  the  college  living  of  Graveley,  Cambs  ; 
and  was  fellow  and  tutor  of  his  college. 

He  married  July,  1796,  Anne,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Milnes  of  Newark,  by  whom  he  left  eleven  children. 

i.  Henry  Palliser  Costobadie  of  West  Barton  in  Bishops- 
dale,  curate  of  Wensley  and  rector  of  Husbands  Bos- 
worth,  Leicestershire.  He  married  Louisa,  daughter 
of  Samuel  Judd  of  Stamford  Baron,  by  whom  he  left 
three  sons  :  (i.)  Clermont  Hugh  Costobadie,  Captain 
3rd  D.  Guards,  died  in  India  ;  (ii.)  Henry,  died 
young  ;  (iii.)  Henry  Holmes  Costobadie,  Lt.-Col. 
R.H.A.  of  the  Hermitage,  Stamford  Baron,  who 
married  Gertrude  Elise  Lucas,  youngest  daughter  of 
George  Vere  Braithwaite  of  Edith  Weston  Hall, 
Rutland  ;  and  three  daughters  : 

i.  D.  Caroline   Laetitia   (Minna)   wife    of    Captain 

Nelson  Thomas. 

ii.  D.  Henrietta  Louisa  (Lily)  died  abroad, 
iii.  D.  Charlotte  Kate,  wife  of  James  Sullivan  Bowdoin 

Boston,  Mass. 

ii.  Hugh  Palliser  Costobadie,  vicar  of  King's  Norton,  Leices- 
tershire. He  was  appointed  to  the  Akroyd  Scholarship 
2  August,  1822,  which  he  held  for  three-and-a-half 
years.  Died  28  March,  1887,  and  was  buried  at 
King's  Norton.  By  his  wife  Fanny  Burnett,  daughter 
of  the  Rev.  Frederick  Lateward,  rector  of  Perivale, 


Middlesex  ;  he  left  (i.)  Akroyd  Palliser  Costobadie  ; 
born  6  August,  1853  ;  married  in  1887  to  Mary 
Ann  Stevens,  of  New  Zealand,  (ii.)  Frederick  Pal- 
liser de  Costebadie  ;  born  9  August,  1856  ;  married 
20  September,  1881,  Mary  Laetitia,  daughter  of  Rev. 
James  Beauchamp,  rector  of  Crowell,  Oxon.  (iii.) 
John  Palliser  Costobadie  ;  born  18  December,  1858. 

i.  D.  Fanny;  born  17  August,  1864. 
iii.  Akroyd  Costobadie  of  Thornton  Rust,  Wensleydale  ; 

born  1805  ;  married  Miss  Chapman, 
iv.  George  Costobadie. 

v.  Charles  Costobadie;  born  1811  ;  died  5  June,  1867, 
aged  56  ;  5151  Regt.  ;  buried  at  Wensley  ;  married 
a  daughter  of  General  Currie. 

vi.  James  Costobadie,  major  in  the  army  1852  ;  married 
Laura,  youngest  daughter  of  John  Kingston,  Com- 
missioner of  H.M.  Stamp  Office,  by  whom  he  left 
(i.)  William,  born  in  1855,  a  civil  engineer,  married 
his  cousin  Mary,  daughter  of  Stafford  Hotchkin  of 
Woodhall,  Lines.  (ii.)  Harry,  born  1857.  (iii.) 
Gerald,  born  1864,  Major,  Loyal  N.  Lanes.  Regt. 
i.  D.  Isabel,  born  1859;  married  Major  Cuffe- 

Wheeler,  R.N. 

vii.  William  Costobadie,  born  1814,  died  1832,  Lieut.  R.N. 

i.  D.  Elizabeth    Anne,    wife   of   Thomas    Grubbe 

(married  21  June,  1821),  of  Eastwell  Hall, 

Devizes  ;  born  at  Gravely  14  April,  1801. 

ii.  D.  Mary,  born  at  sea  ;  married  Richard  Lucas  of 

Edith  Weston,  Rutland, 
iii.  D.  Charlotte,  married  John  Humphrey  of  Kib- 

worth  Hall,  Leicestershire, 
iv.  D.  Fanny,  died  in  1878. 

The  family  possess  among  other  heirlooms,  an  iron  seal 
with  the  arms  as  borne — two  cheverons  with  three  stars  in  the 
chief  and  a  lion  rampant  in  the  foot.  Crest,  a  church  on  a 
rock, in  allusion  to  the  name  (Coste  =  a.  hill;  abadie  =  i  church. 
Langue  d'oc).  Motto  :  '  In  hoc  saxo  templum  aedificabo." 
A  gold  and  sapphire  ring,  and  a  Genoese  gold  coin  weighing 
8  gr.,  2  inches  in  diameter,  bearing  the  inscription  (obverse), 
DUX  •  ET  •  GUBERNATORES  •  REIP  •  GEN+  (reverse)  ET  •  REGE 

•  EOS  •  1641  •  9  •  Ses.  which  were  bequeathed  by  Jean  de  Coste- 
badie with  the  proviso  that  they  were  not  to  be  parted  with 
except  in  dire  necessity. 


[NOTE  A. — The  family  of  Judd  of  Stamford  Baron  descends 
from  a  brother  of  Sir  Andrew  Judd,  Lord  Mayor  of  London 
temp.  Elizabeth,  who  built  and  endowed  schools  at  Tunbridge 

[NOTE  B. — The  Hermitage,  Stamford  Baron,  was  formerly 
a  priory,  and  known  as  'The  House  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.' 
It  is  a  very  ancient  building,  and  contains  a  chapel  of  St.  Mary 
Magdalene.  It  was  used  as  a  resting  place  by  Crusaders 
coming  from  the  north.  King  Richard  III.  when  Duke  of 
Gloster  stayed  in  it  during  the  wars  of  the  Roses,  and  the 
room  occupied  by  him  is  known  as  King  Richard's  room. 

Stamford  Baron,  Northants,  now  absorbed  by  Stamford 
town,  on  the  Lincolnshire  side  of  the  Welland,  was  built 
and  fortified  by  Edward  the  Elder  (901-25)  as  a  protection 
against  the  Danish  inroads.] 



The  following  notes  may  be  added  to  the  Vandeput  pedi- 
gree printed  in  the  fourth  number  of  the  Ancestor.  The  will 
of  a  hitherto  unknown  brother  of  Giles  Vandeput  lends 
colour  to  the  belief  that  the  father  of  Giles  was  himself  an 
emigrant.  It  will  be  seen  that  this  Peter,  naming  his  late  wife 
by  her  surname  in  the  continental  manner,  suggests  to  us  that 
he  and  his  brother  married  two  sisters  of  the  family  of  Jaupin 
of  Ypres,  although  the  name  Jaupin  is  here  wrongly  written 
Janpin.  The  additional  entries  of  the  parish  register  of  St. 
Olave's,  Hart  Street,  supply,  some  valuable  dates. 


1 66 1  Feb.  7.  Peter  Vandeput,  merchant,  esq.,  buried  in  the  Chancel 
of  St.  Margaret  Pattens. 

1674  Aug.  3.  Peter  Vandeput  of  St.  Michael  Royal  married  Margaret 
Buckworth  of  this  parish. 

1717  April  30.  Robert  Holford  of  Lincoln's  Inn  bachelor  married  Sarah 
Vandeput  of  Richmond. 


I  desire  the  will  of  my  wife  Jeane  Janpin,  dated  10  Nov.  1629  and  made 
in  London  to  be  performed 

To  the  poor  of  the  Dutch  Church  5<3/ 
Maid  serv'  Elizabeth  Faucker  ;/ 


Residue  to  be  disposed  of  by  Nicholas  Macquelyn  '  as  I  have  charged  by 
worde  of  mouthc ' 

And  this  I  have  soe  caused  to  be  wrytten  and  have  subscribed  the  same 
with  my  hand  accordinge  to  the  weakenes  thereof  by  reason  of  the  hurtc 
whiche  latelie  happened  unto  me  at  Orsett  in  the  Countye  of  Essex 

Witness  :  Edward  de  Pleurs 

Dated  17  June  1630 

I  Peter  Giles  vande  Putt  doe  alsoe  testifie  that  Peter  vande  Putt  my  unckle 
declared  thus  to  be  his  last  will 

Admon.  with  will  annexed  granted  13  Jan.  163^10  Giles  vande  Putt, 
brother  of  the  said  Peter,  the  exor.  named  in  the  will  renouncing.  [P.C.C. 
8  St.  John'] 





LEWIS,  first  Earl  of  Rockingham,  married  Katharine, 
second  daughter  of  Sir  George  Sondes  of  Lees  Court, 
co.  Kent,  and  had  by  her  three  sons,  Edward  Viscount  Sondes 
and  the  Honourables  George  and  William  Watson,  and  four 
daughters,  the  Ladies  Mary,  Katherine,  Arabella  and  Margaret 
Watson.  For  the  purpose  of  this  article  we  need  to  notice 
the  fortunes  of  the  families  of  the  eldest  son  and  of  the 
youngest  daughter  only. 

Edward,  Viscount  Sondes,  married  Lady  Katherine  Tufton, 
eldest  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Thanet,  and,  dying  before  his 
father  left  three  sons,  Lewis  and  Thomas  who  each  succeeded 
to  the  earldom  and  Edward  who  died  unmarried,  and  one 
daughter,  Katherine,  who  married  the  Right  Honourable 
Edward  Southwell  of  King's  Weston,  co.  Gloucester. 

As  neither  Earl  Lewis  nor  Earl  Thomas  left  issue  it  was 
naturally  supposed  that  their  sister,  the  Hon.  Katherine 
Southwell,  would  succeed  to  the  estates  ;  but,  as  will  be  seen 
below,  the  terms  of  the  will  of  Earl  Thomas  came  as  a 
complete  surprise  to  the  whole  family. 

The  first  Earl  of  Rockingham's  youngest  daughter,  Lady 
Margaret  Watson,  married  Sir  John  Monson,  first  Baron 
Monson  of  Burton,  co.  Lincoln,  and  to  their  second  son,  the 
Hon.  Lewis  Monson,  the  estates  were  found  to  be  bequeathed, 
on  condition  that  he  took  the  name  of  Watson. 

Amongst  the  family  papers  in  Rockingham  Castle  is  a 
parchment  bound  MS.  volume,  containing  pedigrees  of  the 
'  Viponts,  Barons  of  Westmorland  ;  of  the  Barony  of 
Vesci  ;  of  the  Cliffords  ;  of  Katherine,  Countess  of  Thanet  ; 
and  of  the  Family  of  Watson,  Barons  and  Earls  of  Rock- 
ingham.' 'The  Death  of  Edward  Watson,  third  son  of 
Viscount  Sondes,  and  the  disposal  of  his  property  amongst  his 
brothers  and  sister.'  '  Henry  Earl  of  Cumberland,  and  his 
descendants.'  'The  Wills  of  Thomas,  Earl  of  Thanet,  of 


Lewis,  Earl  of  Rockingham,  and  of  Thomas,  Earl  of 
Rockingham.'  'A  Copy  of  the  Account  of  Thomas, 
Earl  of  Thanet's  Income  and  Expenditure  for  40  years,' 
and  the  '  Rental  of  the  Rockingham  Estate '  with  various 
grants,  and  '  A  Statement  of  How  and  Why  the  Family 
and  Posterity  of  Mrs.  Katherine  Southwell  came  to  be 
Disinherited  from  all  the  Great  Estate  of  Her  Father's 
Family'  ;  with  an  account  of  the  death  of  Thomas,  third  (and 
last)  Earl  of  Rockingham. 

By  the  kind  permission  of  the  Rev.  Wentworth  Watson 
of  Rockingham  Castle,  this  last  paper,  which  gives  a  graphic 
description  of  the  death  of  the  last  (in  the  direct  male  line) 
of  the  elder  branch  of  the  Rockingham  Watsons,  is  now 
placed  before  the  readers  of  the  Ancestor. 

It  is  very  Natural  to  Imagine  &  to  Foresee,  that  Mrs.  Katherine  South- 
well's own  Family  &  Posterity  may  have  the  Curiosity  to  Enquire  How  & 
Why  She  came  to  be  Disinherited  from  all  the  Great  Estate  of  Her  Father's 
Family  to  which  She  was  the  next  a  Kin,  &  the  only  Surviving  Heir. 

What  were  Thomas  Earl  of  Rockinghams  secret  Reasons  &  Motives  for 
such  an  Unexpected  and  Undeserved  a  Disposition,  the  Day  of  judgment 
can  alone  Reveal  &  Discover  ;  for  He  always  express'd  an  Affection  for  His 
Sister,  commended  Her  Person,  Her  Temper  &  Her  Conduct  &  yet  in  His 
Will  he  never  mention'd  her  Name,  but  made  Lewis  Monson,  2d  Son  to  his 
Fathers  Sister,  Heir  to  all  His  Real  &  Personal  Estate,  &  then  George  Monson 
the  3d  Son,  in  case  of  Lewis's  Death,  in  prejudice  to  His  own  Sister  Katherine 
Southwell  &  to  Her  Son  &  Daughter. 

Earl  Lewis  left  Mrs.  Southwell  £1000  Legacy  by  Will  and  there  seem'd 
to  be  a  reason  for  His  not  Entailing  His  Estate,  &  for  his  Leaving  it  abso- 
lutely in  his  Brother  Thomas's  Power,  because  He  charged  it  with  His 
Mortgages  &  Bond  Debts  which  amounted  to  about  £40,000. 

Thomas  Earl  of  Rockingham  born  30  Deer.  1725  succeeded  His  Brother 
Lewis  on  4  December  [quaer  :  November*]  1743  in  His  Earldom  &  Real 
Estate,  and  felt  a  sincere  and  Unaffected  Concern  for  His  Death. 

At  Christmas  1745  He  went  to  Lees  Court  in  Kent.  In  February 
174^  He  went  to  Rockingham  Castle  in  Northampton  Shire  wth  Mr. 
Lewison  Eldest  Son  to  Lord  Gowcr.  The  Weather  proved  too  bad  for 
Country  Sports  &  favourable  alone  for  Hard  Drinking,  particularly  on 
Monday  I7th  Feb".,  when  his  Company  Supt  &  Lay  there. 

1 8  Feb  :  Earl  Thomas  seemed  Remarkably  better  then  (sic)  all  his  Bottle 
Companions,  but  began  to  Complain  at  night. 

19  feb.     He  came    down    to    Breakfast,  but    was  not    able    to  go  out   a 
Shooting  :  He  came  down  again  to  Dinner,  but  eat  little,  &  went  up  to  Bed. 

20  feb.     He  continued  ill  but  wou'd  not  own  it  in  his  Letters,  &  the  fol- 
lowing is  a  Copy  of  a  Letter  He  wrote  to  Mr.  Southwell,  in  answer  to  two 
Letters   from   Mr.  Southwell  upon  the  then   Changes  &  the  Changes  of  the 
Ministry  ;  which  Letter  is  here  Inserted,  as  a  proof  of  the  Friendship  then 


Subsisting  between  them,   &    that  neither   Mr.  Southwell  nor  His  Wife  had 
given  Earl  Thomas  the  least  Cause  of  Offense  or  of  Coolness. 

'.  Rockingham  Castle,  Feb.  20. 
4  Dear  Sr 

'  I  received  last  Week  the  favour  of  Both  yr  Letters  &  return  You  many 
thanks  for  being  so  Good  as  to  let  me  hear  from  You  a  little  what  was  doing 
w"*  both  greatly  Surpm'd  me,  however  as  I  am  in  no  Secrets  can  form  very 
little  judgment  of  so  new  &  unheard  of  Step. 

'  At    length  the  Thaw  is  come  &   I'm  in  great  hopes   of  getting  out  a 
Hunting  soon,  as  you  are  no  Sportsman,  it  can  be  of  no  further  Diversion  to 
You  to  hear  it,  then  that  I  am  sure  of,  You  wish  me  Diversion. 
'I  beg  my  best  Love  to  my  Sister  &  Sincerely  am  Dr  Sr 

'  Your  affec'  Brother 

&  obedient  humble  Serv' 


Earl  Thomas  continuing  ill  on  Thursday  20  Feby  Dr.  Wallis  the  Physitian 
was  sent  for  from  Stamford,  who  came  that  Evening. 

Feb.  21.  On  Friday  morning  Earl  Thomas  shews  Dr.  Wallis  some  spots 
on  his  Face,  &  asks  if  they  were  not  the  Small  Pox,  which  Dr.  Wallis  owns 
to  him. 

Earl  Thomas  orders  Mr.  Seddon  His  Household  Steward  to  write  advice 
hereof  to  Lord  Monson  by  Express,  &  to  desire  Him  to  acquaint  Mr.  & 
Mrs.  Southwell,  &  to  send  down  Mr.  Thomas  Graham  Apothecary. 

Earl  Thomas  asks  Mr.  Wetherell  His  Land  Steward  for  the  Form  of  a 
Will,  who  confesses  his  Ignorance  but  desires  my  Lord  to  send  for  Mr. 
Farrer  a  Lawyer  who  kept  His  Courts,  &  was  put  in  by  Lady  Sondes,  &  who 
knew  &  respected  the  Family,  but  He  unhappily  had  not  had  the  Small  Pox 
and  therefore  Excused  Himself  from  coming. 

Lord  Monson  recd  Mr.  Seddons  Letter  at  Midnight  &  sends  it  to  Mr.  & 
Mrs.  Southwell  &  They  prevail  on  Lord  Monson  to  go  down  next  morning 
with  Mr.  Graham. 

22  Feb.     On  Saturday  Earl  Thomas  sends  for  Mr.  Charles  Allicocke,  a 
Young  Lawyer  in  the  Neighbourhood  who   came  to   His  Bedside  &  by  His 
Express  order  drew  His  Will  &  perfected  it  in  the  form  He  prescribed.     He 
mentioned  to  my  Lord  the  usual  manner  of  naming  Trustees,  but  his  answer 
was,  He  wou'd  have  no  Trustees  ;  He  seemed  much  Dejected,  but  he  bid  Mr. 
Allicocke   make   Hast,  never    once  mentioning  His  having  a   Sister  nor  Her 
Husband.     Mr.  Allicocke  declares  He  did  not  then    know  my  Lord  had  a 
Sister,  &   that  when    my  Lord  named  the  Legacy  of  £5000  to  His  Neice  & 
God  Daughter  Katherine  Southwell,  He  asked  my  Lord  how  to  spell  the 
name  Southwell,  &  He  spelt  it  to  him. 

When  the  Will  was  perfected  and  Witnessed,  He  left  it  with  my  Lord 
&  went  down  Stairs  to  Dinner. 

In  an  hour  &  an  half's  time,  Earl  Thomas  sends  again  for  Mr.  Allicocke, 
&  tells  him,  He  found  the  Christened  Name  of  one  of  the  Legatees  mistaken 
&  their  place  of  Abode  &  wou'd  have  it  rectified,  &  upon  the  whole,  my 
Lord  chuses  to  have  the  Will  new  drawn,  perfected  Sc  witnessed,  &  it  was  ac- 
cordingly done. 

23  Feb.     Lord  Monson   and  Mr.  Graham  arrive   in   the  afternoon,  Earl 


Thomas  seems  glad  to  see  him  but  never  mentions  to  Lord  Monson  His 
having  made  his  Will.  They  find  the  Earl  very  ill  &  send  Express  to  Mr. 
Southwell  for  another  Physitian  &  He  dispatches  Dr.  Shaw  on  Monday 

«4  feb.  Mrs.  Southwell  sets  out  on  Sunday  wth  L  Monson  &  they 
arrive  at  Rockingham  on  Monday  at  Dinner.  Earl  Thomas  seems  pleased 
with  his  sisters  coming,  desires  Immediately  to  see  His  poor  Sister  as  He  calls 
her,  asks  her  with  his  usual  freedom  after  Her  own  and  Her  Childrens  Healths, 
hopes  she  had  caught  no  cold,  that  she  had  not  found  the  Roads  bad,  &  that 
His  Hones  had  met  Her.  Never  mentions  His  having  made  a  Will,  but 
only  says,  His  Illness  was  a  troublesome  Affair,  and  that  He  hoped  it  would 
be  at  the  Height  on  Friday. 

25  feb.  On  Tuesday  morning  Mrs.  Southwell  goes  into  his  room  and 
He  speaks  to  her  again,  but  grows  light  headed  in  the  Evening  &  calls  for 
Pen  Ink  &  Paper  without  saying  Why. 

Feb.  26.  On  Wednesday  afternoon  about  6.  Earl  Thomas  dies,  and  an 
Express  is  Immediately  sent  by  Lord  Monson  to  Mr.  Southwell  to  come 
down,  who  declined  going  before,  least  as  a  Brother  in  Law  He  might  have 
appeared  too  busy  or  Officious. 

Lord  Monson  applied  to  Mrs.  Southwell  to  open  Her  Brothers  Will  a* 
soon  as  He  died,  which  Her  Affliction  wou'd  not  Suffer  her  to  do  that  night, 
and  She  wanted  for  to  deferr  it  till  Her  Husbands  Arrival. 

Feb.  27.  But  on  Thursday  morning  Lord  Monson  told  Her  the  Necessity 
of  opening  the  Will  &  to  know  what  orders  Earl  Thomas  had  given  about 
His  Affairs  and  His  Funeral  &  that  None  but  Her  self  cou'd  be  the  Heir  & 
give  Directions. 

Hereupon  Mrs.  Southwell  desired  Mr.  Tookey  the  Parish  Minister  &  the 
Principal  Servants  might  be  called  in.  Ld  Monson  desired  Her  to  break  open 
the  Will  Her  Self,  which  with  Agony  She  submitted  to,  Mr.  Seddon  read  it, 
&  in  the  first  Lines  She  heard  herself  absolutely  Disinherited  &  Her  Name 
not  once  Mentioned. 

Ld  &  Lady  Monson  burst  out  into  Tears  at  the  Surprise  of  finding  their 
2d  Son  Lewis  the  Heir.  Mrs.  Southwell  told  them,  Since  She  &  her  family 
had  not  the  Estate,  She  wishd  theirs  joy  of  it,  &  drank  their  Son  Lewis's 
Health  at  dinner. 

They  never  heard  one  Murmur  nor  cou'd  perceive  one  tear  drop  from  her 
Afterwards  ;  &  the  only  Reflection  She  has  been  heard  to  make  upon  this 
Unnatural  Usage  from  Her  Bror  is,  That  the  Slight  was  Greater  then  the 

Copys  of  the  Will  were  sent  Immediately  to  London  &  Mrs.  Southwell 
had  the  prudence  to  send  a  Copy  to  Mr.  Southwell  to  meet  him  at  North- 
ampton &  to  prevent  His  Surprise  ;  She  Enclosed  it  in  a  Letter,  wch  She 
shewed  to  Lord  and  Lady  Monson  &  then  desired  them  to  seal  it  up,  w04  is 
here  Inserted,  as  a  Proof  of  Her  Singular  Command  of  temper  under  so 
severe  a  Trial. 

'  My  Dear.  'Thursday  27  Feb" 

'  The  Inclosed  is  a  Copy  of  my  poor  Brothers  Will  which  I  open'd  this 

morning  in  presence  of  Lord  &  Lady  Monson  &  all  the  Upper  Servants. 

'  You  will  see  by  the  Date  It  was  made  the  Day  before  Lord  Monson  came 

down,  &  was  witnessed    by    the    Physitian,  who   knew   Him  to  be  perfectly 


Sensible.  I  know  my  Mentioning  this  is  very  needless,  for  You  know  Lord 
Monson  too  well  &  have  too  good  an  opinion  of  Him  to  Entertain  the 
least  thought  to  his  Prejudice.  But  He  has  said  so  much  to  me  of  his 
Surprise  at  this  Event,  that  to  save  You  Both  •  the  trouble  of  his  Repeating  it 
again  I  thought  it  best  to  Write. 

'  I  am  Concerned  you  have  so  bad  a  Day  for  travelling,  &  beg  You  will 
be  very  Cautious  of  the  Road  from  Northampton  for  it  is  Extremely  bad  &  a 
very  Dangerous  water  at  Harington,  but  by  going  a  little  out  of  the  Way, 
they  tell  me  You  may  avoid  it,  so  Pray  Enquire. 

'  I  did  Consult  Dr.  Shaw  as  You  desired  &  am  pretty  Well  ;  As  I  shall  see 
You  soon  I  will  add  no  more  but  I  am  '  Ever  Yours 

'  K.  S.' 

Mr.  Southwell  set  out  on  Thursday  Noon  on  receiving  the  Express  from 
Ld  Monson  of  Earl  Thomas's  Death  &  that  he  had  made  a  will,  not  yet  opened. 
All  the  Family  pronounced  Mrs.  Southwell  the  sole  Heir  ;  but  Her  Husband 
thought  it  a  Hazardous  Great  Stake  to  depend  on  the  Stroke  of  a  Pen  & 
the  Humour  of  a  Gay  free  Young  Man  on  his  Death  Bed. 

28  Feb.  On  Friday  Noon  Mr.  Southwell  recd  His  Wife's  Letter  &  the 
Copy  of  the  Will  at  Northampton  &  got  to  Rockingham  that  night.  He 
returned  Lord  and  Lady  Monson  thanks  for  their  Care  of  his  Wife  &  going 
down  with  her,  &  told  them  Since  his  wife  and  family  had  not  the 
Estate,  Theirs  was  the  next  Wellcome  to  it,  but  as  it  was  so  great  a  Stake,  In 
justice  to  His  family  He  must  Enquire,  to  see  if  Earl  Thomas  had  a  power 
to  make  such  a  will. 

March  l.  On  Saturday  morning  Lord  Monson  set  out  Post  for  London 
&  Mr.  &  Mrs.  Southwell  set  out  also  and  got  to  Town  on  Monday,  3  March, 
leaving  Lady  Monson  at  Rockingham  Castle,  who  stayd  there  till  after  Earl 
Thomas's  Funeral  on  Wednesday  1 2  March  1 74!- 

In  some  time  after,  Mr.  Southwell  applied  to  Lord  Monson  for  the 
Inspection  of  the  Writings  &c.  of  the  Rockingham  Family,  &  Lord  Monson 
very  candidly  Entrusted  Mr.  Southwell  with  them. 

(Here  follows  a  list  of  these  writings) 

It  did  appear  from  a  strict  Perusal  of  all  these  Writings  by  Mr.  Southwells 
Lawyers,  That  Earl  Lewis  was  Tenant  in  Tail  &  also  Tenant  in  fee  of  all  his 
Grandfathers  &  Grandmothers  Estates. 

That  He  passed  fines  &  Recoveries  of  all  these  Estates. 

That  He  dying  without  Issue  had  Power  to  devise   these  Estates  by  Will. 

That  He  devised  them  to  His  Bro'  Thomas. 

That  Earl  Thomas  had  the  same  Power  &  devised  them  by  will  to  Lewis, 
2d  Son  of  Lord  Monson,  &  Puttenden  Estate  bequeathed  to  him  by  his 

Consequently  Mrs.  Southwell  is  without  Remedy. 

From  this  Lewis  Monson- Watson  are  descended  the  family 
of  Sondes  of  Lees  Court  in  Kent,  and  that  of  Watson  of 
Rockingham  Castle  in  Northamptonshire  ;  the  former  repre- 
senting the  elder,  and  the  latter  the  younger  branch. 



POPHAM  of  Popham  was  a  well-known  house  in  medie- 
val Hampshire,  the  name  of  which  was  long  preserved 
among  our  landed  families  by  the  Pophams  seated  at  Littlecote 
in  the  adjoining  county  of  Wilts.  But  no  serious  effort  has 
been  made  to  trace  its  origin  ;  nor,  perhaps,  was  it  possible  to 
do  so  till  the  valuable  calendars  for  which  we  have  reason  to 
thank  the  Public  Record  Office  recently  brought  to  light 
charters  which  cleared  it  up. 

These  charters  were  c  inspected  '  and  confirmed  by  the 
Crown  partly  for  Henry  de  Popham  in  1378  and  partly  for 
the  same  Henry  in  1401.  The  first  two  in  order  of  date  are 
those  of  Henry  I.,  which  introduce  us  to  a  man  whom  we  may 
term  a  Treasury  clerk,  an  officer  of  some  importance  in  that 
bureaucratic  reign.  He  is  described  as  Turstin,  clerk  to 
William  de  Pont  de  1'Arche,  the  king's  chamberlain,  that  is  to 
say,  chamberlain  of  the  exchequer,  an  office  which  William 
inherited  from  Mauduit  towards  the  close  of  Henry  I.'s  reign.1 
Winchester  was  then  the  administrative  centre  for  finance  as 
for  all  else,  and  it  was  there  that  Turstin  lived,  and  there  that 
Henry  I.  granted  him  the  two  charters  in  question. 

The  first  of  these  grants  to  Turstin  in  fee,  '  the  land  of 
Farringdon '  (Ferendon),  which  he  holds  of  the  Bishop  of 
Exeter  '  and  of  the  honour  of  the  church  of  Bosham,'  to  hold 
as  a  third  of  a  knight's  fee,  as  restored  and  granted  to  him  by 
William,  Bishop  of  Exeter  (i  107-3 y).2  This  charter,  which 

1  Sec  my  article  on  '  Mauduit  of  Hartley  Mauduit '  (Ancestor,  v.  208). 

a  '  H.  rex  Anglorum  Henrico  Wintoniensi  episcopo  et  justiciariis  et  vice- 
comitibus  et  omnibus  baronibus  et  fidelibus  suis  Francigenis  et  Anglicis  de 
Hamtescira  et  omnibus  de  honore  ecclesie  de  Boseham  salutem,  Sciatis  me  con- 
cessisse  Turstino  clerico  Willelmi  de  Pontearch  camerarii  mei  terram  de 
Ferendon  quam  tenet  de  episcopo  Exonie  et  de  honore  ecclesie  de  Boseham 
in  feodum  et  hereditatem  .  .  .  per  servicium  tertie  partis  unius  militis  sicut 
Willelmus  episcopus  Exonie  illam  ei  reddidit  et  concessit  per  cartham  suam  .  .  . 
Testibus  ;  Gfaufrido]  councellario  et  Roberto  de  Curcy  et  Willelmo  de  Albini 
Britone,  apud  Wintoniam  '  (Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Henry  IV.  i.  420). 



may  be  assigned  to  1129-33,  is  a  valuable  link  in  the  history 
of  the  Hampshire  Farringdon,  which  appears  in  Domesday 
Book  as  the  one  manor  in  the  county  held  by  the  Bishop  of 
Exeter  in  right  of  his  having  in  his  hands  the  rich  endowment 
of  the  Sussex  church  of  Bosham.1 

Next  in  order  is  the  charter  below,  by  which  Henry  I. 
grants,  probably  on  the  same  occasion,  to  this  '  Turstin  the 
clerk  '  permission  to  keep  hounds  for  the  chase  of  the  hare  and 
the  fox  on  his  Hampshire  lands.  The  treasury  clerk  has 
already  become  a  hunting  man. 

Henricus  Rex  Anglorum  justiciariis  et  vicecomitibus  et  baronibus  et  minis- 
tris  de  Hauntescira  salutem,  Concede  Turstino  clerico  et  heredibus  suis  quod 
habeat  leporarios  suos  et  brachetos  suos  ad  lepores  et  vulpes  capiendos.  Teste 
R.  de  Curcy  apud  Wintoniam.2 

We  may  now  turn  to  the  Pipe  Roll  of  1 130  in  search  of 
*  Turstin  the  clerk,'  and  there  we  find  him  as  holding  property 
in  Winchester.3  With  this  clue  we  look  for  him  in  the  sur- 
veys of  the  city  made  under  Henry  I.  and  in  1148,*  and  in 
both  of  these  we  find  his  houses  in  their  respective  streets.5 

Between  the  date  of  these  two  surveys  comes  the  next 
charter,  granted  by  the  Empress  Maud  on  the  occasion, 
evidently,  of  her  formal  reception  at  Winchester  in  1141. 
One  may  note  that  the  official  class  represented  by  Turstin 
usually  favoured  the  empress  as  being  her  father's  heir.  It 
should  be  observed  that  in  this  charter  Popham  occurs  for  the 
first  time  among  Turstin's  lands. 

Matilda  Imperatrix  filia  Henrici  Regis  Henrico  episcopo  Wyntoniensi  et 
Willelmo  camerario  de  Pont'  et  omnibus  baronibus  de  Hantescira  Francis  et 
Anglis  salutem.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  Turstino  clerico  omnes  terras  suas  quas 
tenebat  de  feudo  Henrici  Regis  die  ilia  qua  fuit  vivus  et  mortuus  et  terram  de 
Ferendona  et  de  Popham  et  omnes  teneuras  suas  infra  civitatem  et  extra 
tenendas  sicut  tenuit  die  ilia  qua  recepta  fui  apud  Wintoniam6  bene  et  in  pace 
et  honorifice  et  hereditabiliter  et  quiete  in  bosco  et  in  piano  et  pratis  et 
pasturis  cum  sacca  et  socha  et  tol  et  tiem  et  infangenethuf  et  cum  consuetudini- 

1  See  Victoria  History  of  Hampshire,  i. ;  and  my  note  in  Sussex  Arch.  Coll. 
xliv.  142. 

3  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Richard  II.  i.  ill. 

Under  the  '  auxilium  civitatis '  we  read  '  Turstino  clerico  xii  solidos.' 
*  See  Victoria  History  of  Hampshire,  \. 
5  Domesday  Book,  iv.  539,  542,  550,  553,  555,  561. 
8  3  March,  1141  (Geoffrey  de  Mandeville,  p.  58). 

THE    RISE    OF   THE    POPHAMS         61 

bus  eisdem  Terris  pertinentibus.    Testibus  Nigello  episcopode  Hely  et  Milone 
de  Gloecestria.1 

This  charter  was  repeated  mutatis  mutandis  in  one  of  Henry 
II.3  But  Turstin  was  now  rising  in  the  official  world  ;  from 
1155  to  1159  he  appears  as  sheriff  of  Hampshire,  though, 
owing  to  his  name  being  given  as  Turstin  only,  his  identity 
has  not  been  observed. 

In  1 1 60  Turstin  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  not  only  in  his 
landed  estates,  but  in  the  shrievalty  of  Hampshire.3  This 
succession  was  the  subject  of  our  two  next  charters.  By  the 
first  of  these,  which  is  addressed  to  the  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
the  barons,  justices,  sheriffs,  and  all  the  officers  of  Hampshire, 
and  the  citizens  of  Winchester,  the  king  confirms  to  '  Richard 
son  of  Turstin  the  sheriff'  and  his  heirs  the  estates  atFarring- 
don  and  Binstead  and  all  other  estates  held  of  himself  and 
those  within  and  without  the  city  of  Winchester.4 

This  was  clearly  the  actual  charter  produced  in  court  by 
Robert  de  Popham  in  1268  (52  Hen.  III.),  though  it  was 
wrongly  assigned  on  that  occasion  to  the  king's  grandfather 
Henry  I.  : — 

'et  profert  cartam  domini  Henrici  Regis  abavi  (sic)  domini  Regis  qui  nunc 
est  (Henry  III.)  que  testatur  quod  idem  Henricus  Rex  concessit  et  confirmavit 
cuidam  Ricardo  filio  Turstini  antecessoris  ipsius  Robert!  omnes  terras  et 
teneuras  in  Benstude  simul  cum  quibusdam  aliis  terris  et  teneuras.'5 

1  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Richard  II.  i.  no- 1. 

2  Ibid.     Its  witnesses  were  Nigel,  Bishop  of  Ely  ;  Regonald,  Earl  of  Corn- 
wall ;  Henry  de  Essex  the  constable  ;  Richard  de  Humez  the  constable  ;  and 
Warin  Fitz  Gerold  the  chamberlain  ;  and   it  was  granted   at  Westminster 
evidently  in  the  early  days  of  his  reign. 

3  '  Ricardus  filius  Turstini  de  firma  de  Hantescira  pro  patre  suo  '  (Rot.  Pip. 
6  Hen.  II.  p.  46). 

4  '  Sciatis  me  concessisse  et  carta  mea   presenti  confirmasse  Ricardo  filio 
Turstini  vie'  et  heredibus  suis  terram  de  Ferendona  et  terrain  de  Benesteda  et 
omnes  alias  terras  que  tenet  de  feodo  meo  et  omnes  teneuras  suas   infra  civi- 
tatem  Wintonie   et  extra   tenendas   hereditabiliter  .   .  .  Testibus  Ricardo  de 
Canvilla,  Willelmo  filio  Johannis,  Willelmo  Malet,  Ranulfo  de  Broc,  apud 
Morstonium '   (Calendar   oj   Patent  Rolls,  Henry   IV.  i.  420).     The  charter 
evidently  passed  in  Normandy. 

8  Curia  Regis  Roll,  No.  184,  roll  4.  Compare  Placitonm  Abbreviate,  p. 
176.  The  assignation  of  this  charter,  on  the  roll,  to  Henry  I.  has  very 
naturally  misled  the  writer  of  the  account  of  Binstead  in  the  Victoria  History  of 
Hampshire  (vol.  ii.),  and  is  a  useful  warning  as  to  the  confusion,  even  at  that 
early  date,  between  the  two  kings  and  their  charters. 



The  second  charter  relating  to  Richard's  succession  is 
granted  by  Arnulf,  Bishop  of  Lisieux,  a  prelate  who,  although 
a  notable  man,  has  not  hitherto,  I  believe,  been  known  to 
have  had  any  connexion  with  the  *  Honour  '  of  Bosham. 
Reference,  however,  to  the  Pipe  Rolls  of  Henry  II.  proves 
that  he  actually  held  it  ;  while  the  roll  of  the  I3th  year 
(1167)  contains  the  entry,  '  Ferend[ona]  Episcopi  Luxov- 
[iensis]  '  (p.  186),  showing  that  Farringdon,  as  part  of  it, 
was  then  in  his  hands.  This  explains  the  charter  (strictly 
*  Letters  Patent  ')  '  of  Arnulr,  bishop  of  Lisieux,  addressed 
to  all  clerks  and  laymen  pertaining  to  the  chapelry  of  Bose- 
ham,  granting  to  Richard  his  clerk  the  land  which  Turstin 
the  father  of  the  latter  held  in  Ferend[on]  by  the  service  of 
the  third  part  of  a  knight.'  l  It  is  singular  that  Richard  in 
these  '  Letters  '  should  be  styled  only  a  clerk  of  the  bishop. 

I  have  looked  through  the  bishop's  printed  letters  to  see 
if  I  could  find  any  allusion  to  the  chapelry  of  Bosham,  to 
Farringdon,  or  to  Richard,  and  have  been  fortunate  enough 
to  find  this  one  in  a  letter  to  Richard,  Bishop  of  Winchester 

Credo  vos  fideli  retinere  memoria  Willelmum  de  Ferendona  vicariam  loci 
illius  a  tempore  Thurstini,  per  totum  ipsius  et  Ricardi  filii  ejus  tempus  usque 
ad  mea  tempora  possedisse.  Quumque  capellaniam  mihi  regis  munificentia 
contulisset,  defuncto  postmodum  Ricardo  per  quern  Willelmus  eo  vivente 
tenuerat,  ego  vicariam  eandem  prasdicto  Willelmo  in  perpetuum  concessi,  qui- 
busdam  additis,  quae  ipsius  a  me  videbatur  obsequium  et  devotio  meruisse.2 

Here  the  bishop  is  speaking  of  Farringdon  and  of  Richard 
Fitz  Turstin,  and  distinctly  states  that  he  himself  owes  the  rich 
chapelry  (of  Bosham)  to  the  munificence  of  the  king.  This 
letter  must  belong  to  the  closing  years  of  his  life. 

Richard  continued  to  be  sheriff  of  Hampshire,  year  after 
year  till  Easter,  1  1  70,  and  the  entry  '  Potham  vic[ecomitis]  ' 
on  the  Pipe  Roll  of  1167  (p.  188)  clearly  refers  to  Popham 
and  shows  that  he  was  then  holding  it.  The  great  '  Inquest  of 
Sheriffs  'in  1  1  70  3  resulted  in  Richard  being  one  of  those  who 
lost  his  shrievalty,  a  shrievalty  which  he  and  his  father  had 
held  since  the  king's  accession.  Here  we  are  brought  face  to 

1  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  Henry  IV.  i.  421. 

2  Ed.  Giles,  p.  284. 

3  See  The  Commune  o/  London,  pp.  125—36. 

THE    RISE    OF   THE    POPHAMS        63 

face  with  a  subject  of  much  more  than  mere  local   interest. 
Dr.  Stubbs,  in  his  Select  Charters  (1870),  wrote  that — 

The  sheriffs  removed  on  this  occasion  from  their  offices  were  most  ot 
them  local  magnates,  whose  chances  of  oppression  and  whose  inclination  to- 
wards a  feudal  administration  of  justice  were  too  great.  In  their  place  Henry 
instituted  officers  of  the  Exchequer,  less  closely  connected  with  the  counties 
by  property  and  more  amenable  to  royal  influence  as  well  as  more  skilled 
administrators  (p.  141). 

So  too  he  observed,  in  his  Constitutional  History  (1874), 
that — 

Henry  placed  in  their  vacant  magistracies  the  officers  of  the  Exchequer 
whom  he  knew  and  trusted  ;  adopting  in  this  respect  the  plan  of  his  grand- 
father, who  had  used  his  judges  for  sheriffs  (i.  474). 

The  case  of  Richard,  sheriff  of  Hampshire,  is  the  first, 
perhaps,  in  which  the  history  of  the  shrievalty  and  its  holder 
has  been  worked  out  in  detail  ;  and  we  can  now  assert,  as  the 
result,  that,  although  he  may  not  have  acted  personally,  as  an 
Exchequer  officer,  Richard  essentially  belonged  by  birth,  not 
to  the  class  of  feudal  magnates,  but  to  that  interesting  official 
class  which  had  risen  under  Henry  I.  and  which  had  been  so 
closely  associated  with  the  king's  Exchequer.  In  addition  to 
being  sheriff  of  Hampshire,  he  had  acted  as  '  fermor '  of 
Winchester — that  is  to  say,  he  { farmed '  the  city  at  a  heavy 
rent  from  the  Crown,  as  to  which,  the  Pipe  Rolls  show, 
there  was  a  standing  dispute  between  the  Exchequer  and  him- 
self. When  he  went  out  of  office  in  1 1 70  he  was  heavily  in 
arrear  with  his  payments.  On  the  '  farm '  of  the  county  he 
owed  the  Crown  £95  T,S.  $d.  '  blanch,'  and  on  the  { farm '  of 
the  city  no  less  than  £173  us.  jd.1  '  blanch,'  while  other  debts 
increased  the  amount  by  £j  35.  4^.  Five  years  later  he  had 
only  succeeded  in  paying  off  some  £25  out  of  the  whole 

The  printed  rolls  carry  us  at  present  no  further  than  this 
until  we  come  to  that  of  1189,  fourteen  years  later.  On  this 
we  read — 

Willelmus  filius  Turstini  .  .  .  debet  vi/jf.  et  ix*.  et  xd.  de  misericordia 
fratris  sui,  sed  mortuus  est  (p.  198). 

Warnertus  venator  reddit  comp.  de  cxl/r.  et  xvtiLr.  et   xia'.  blanc'  de  veteri 

1  The  total  '  farm  '  of   Winchester  at   the    time    seems    to   have    been 
£142  121.  i^d.  'blanch.' 

2  Pipe  Roll,  21  Henry  II.  pp.  189,  198. 


firma  civitatis  Wintonie  pro  Willelmo  filio  Turstini  cujus   terram  ipse,  habet 
cum  herede  (p.  205). 

This  is  a  most  important  entry,  for  it  proves  that  Richard, 
in  the  meanwhile,  had  been  succeeded  by  a  brother  William, 
and  that  this  William  had  died  recently  leaving  an  '  heir.' 

Here  however  evidence  again  fails  us  for  the  present. 
Our  next  clue  is  found  in  the  Testa  de  Nevill^  where  an  entry 
belonging  to  the  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century  runs  : — 

Agnes  de  Popham  tenet  v  hydat*  terre  in  Bensted'  in  socag'  pro  c  sol' 
(P-  235)- 

From  this  point  the  descent  is  clear,  for  the  Fine  Roll  of 
9  Henry  III.  shows  us  that  Gilbert  de  Popham,  in  1225,  did 
homage  for  4-5-!  hides  in  Binsted  and  Alton  as  heir  to  his 
mother  Agnes. 

These  entries,  taken  together,  make  it  clear  enough  that 
the  Binsted  estate,  afterwards  known  as  the  manor  of  Binsted 
Popham,  was  held  by  Agnes  in  her  own  right ;  and  her  sur- 
name implies  that  Popham  descended  with  it.1  The  name  of 
her  husband  is  supplied  by  a  suit  recorded  in  Bractons  Note 
Book  (i.  277-8).  We  there  read  that  in  1238-9  (23  Henry  III.) 
Gilbert  de  Popham  was  summoned  to  warrant  to  Peter  de 
Heies a  1 6  acres  in  Neatham  on  the  strength  of  a  charter 
granted  by  William  Fitz  Thurstin.  Gilbert  denied  that  he 
was  heir  to  William  Fitz  Thurstin,  and  asserted  that  he  held 
nothing  in  virtue  of  which  he  was  bound  to  warrant  ;  Peter 
retorted  that  '  Gilbert's  father  Robert '  held  seven  acres  in 
Neatham  in  consideration  of  doing  so.  We  thus  obtain  a 
pedigree,  of  which  the  dotted  line  would  indicate  a  very  strong 
probability  if  it  were  not  for  Gilbert's  positive  assertion, '  quod 
non  est  haeres  ipsius  Willelmi.' 

1  'Agnes  de  Popham  tenuit  de  domino  Rege  in  capite  tres  hidas  dim.  virg. 
et  quartam  partem  j  virg'  terre  et  unum  molendinum  in  Bensted'  et  j  hidam 
et  dim.  et  dim.  virg.  terre  et  j  molendinum  cum  pert,  in  Aulton'  per  servi- 
cium  ex  sol.  per  annum,  et  quod  Gilebertus  filius  ejus  propinquior  heres  ejus 
cst,  cujus  homagium  dominus  Rex  inde  cepit '  (p.  1 26). 

3  Ancestor  to  the  Heighes  family  of  Heigh  or  '  Heyes '  in  Binsted  (com- 
pare Victoria  History  of  Hampshire,  ii.  488).  John  de  '  Heges'  and  Agnes  his 
wife  were  Robert  de  Popham's  opponents  in  the  suit  of  1268. 

THE    RISE    OF   THE    POPHAMS         65 

Turstin  the  Clerk  (of  Winchester). 
Held  the  Farringdon  and  Binsted 
estates.  Sheriff  of  Hants  1 1  55-60 

Richard  Fitz  Turstin 

William   Fitz  Turstin, 

succeeded    his    father 

heir    to    his    brother, 

1  1  60,  sheriff  of  Hants 

lately  dead  in  1189 

1160-70.     Held  the 


Farringdon,    Binsted 


and  Popham  estates 

Agnes  de  =  Robert 

Popham     I 

Gilbert  de  Popham, 

heir  to  his  mother 

in  1225      1 

Robert  de  Popharn  of 
Popham  and  Binsted 
(Popham).  Heir  to 
his  father  in  1250; 
living  1268 

The  tenure  of  the  Pophams'  three  estates  requires  to  be 
carefully  distinguished.  Binsted  (Popham)  they  held  directly 
from  the  Crown,  apparently  in  socage  ;  at  Farringdon  they 
had  held  by  knight-service  of  '  the  Honour  of  Bosham  '  ;  at 
Popham  itself  they  held,  by  knight-service,  of  Brabceuf,  who 
held  of  St.  John,  who  held  (as  his  ancestor  had  done  in 
Domesday)  of  the  abbot  of  Hyde,  who  held  of  the  Crown.1 
Students  of  family  history  have  need  to  watch  for  such  sub- 
infeudations,  for  links  are  often  omitted  or  confused,  and  the 
tenant  at  the  bottom  of  the  scale  is  the  ancestor  of  the  lords 
of  the  manor. 

The  Pophams  remained  for  several  generations  in  posses- 
sion of  the  manor  of  that  name,  but  the  line  ended  in  heir- 
esses. The  Leyborne-Pophams  of  Littlecote  claim  descent, 
according  to  Burke  s  Landed  Gentry,  from  a  younger  son  of 
Gilbert  de  Popham  (1225—50),  who  figures  in  that  work  as 
'  Gilbert  Popham  de  Popham,  Esq.,  living  temp.  King  John,' 
and  as  the  husband  of  'Joan,  dau.  of  Robert  Clark,  Esq., 
feoffee  in  trust  for  the  Manor  of  Popham,'  who  must  have 
been  the  family  solicitor  !  I  do  not  know  the  evidence  for 

1  '  Gilbertus  de  Popham  tenet  dim.  feodum  militis  in  Popham  de  veteri 
feoff,  de  Roberto  de  Briebuf,  et  idem  de  Roberto  de  Sancto  Johanne,  et  idem 
R.  de  abbate  de  Hyda,  et  abbas  de  Rege  in  capite  '  (Testa  de  Nev'tU,  p.  232). 


this  affiliation,  nor  do  I  know  why  this  cadet  is  styled  '  Sir 
Hugh  de  la  (sic)  Popham,  Knt'  As  this  mysterious  surname 
emerges  anew  in  his  descendant,  '.Sir  John  de  la  Popham,' 
one  must  assume  that,  like  Kipling's  liner,  the  Hampshire 
manor  was  '  a  lady.' 



IN  Mr.  William  Jackson  Pigott's  article  on   Sir  Anthony 
Jackson  in  the  July  number  of  the  Ancestor  he  mentions  that 
the  Greer  family,  who  are  connected    by  marriage  with   the 
Irish  Quaker  families  of  Jackson,  claim  descent  from  the  Kil- 
lingwoldgraves  Jacksons  of  Co.  York. 

This  claim  ought  not  in  my  opinion  to  remain  unchallenged, 
as  it  appears  to  me  from  a  careful  investigation  of  the  early 
history  of  the  Irish  Jacksons,  made  about  a  year  ago,  to  be 
utterly  devoid  of  foundation. 

From  Rutty's  History  of  the  Quakers  (2nd  ed.  p.  99),  we 
learn  that  'William  Edmondson  (about  1656)  with  several 
friends,  leaving  the  meeting  to  which  they  belonged  well 
settled,  viz.  Richard  Jackson,  Anthony  Jackson,  John  Thompson, 
Richard  Fayle,  John  Edmundson,  William  Moon,  and  their 
families,  removed  and  took  land  in  the  county  of  Cavan  and 
dwelt  there,  and  settled  a  meeting  in  that  county.' 

William  Edmundson,  who  was  one  of  the  earliest  members 
of  the  Society  of  Friends  that  settled  in  Ireland,  was  born 
in  Little  Musgrave  in  Westmorland  in  1627,  and  was  bound 
apprentice  to  the  trade  of  a  carpenter  and  joiner.  He  after- 
wards joined  the  Parliamentary  army,  and  served  in  it  for 
some  years.  On  leaving  the  army  and  marrying,  he  settled 
in  Ireland,  and  after  remaining  in  the  Co.  Armagh  for  several 
years,  he  and  the  several  other  members  of  the  Society  of 
Friends  mentioned  in  the  passage  from  Rutty's  History  above 
cited,  migrated  with  their  families  to  the  Kempston  estate  in  Co. 
Cavan.  After  some  time  disputes  arose  between  them  and 
Colonel  Kempston,  the  owner,  as  to  the  conditions  on  which 
lettings  were  to  be  made  to  them,  whereupon  some  of  them 
left  that  part  of  the  country  and  removed  to  Mountmellick 
in  Queen's  Co.,  while  others  continued  in  the  Co.  Cavan,  and 
established  a  meeting  for  Divine  worship  (William  Edmund- 
son's  Jou.naly  p.  67  fed.  1820]).  Richard  Jackson  above 
mentioned  was  one  or  those  who  settled  in  Mountmellick, 
while  Anthony  Jackson  (reputed  in  the  family  to  be  his 
brother)  remained  in  the  Co.  Cavan.  Both  Richard  and 



Anthony  were  leaders  of  the  '  passive  resistance '  movement 
of  the  day  against  the  payment  of  tithes,  and  their  losses 
by  distraints  year  by  year  are  to  be.  found  in  the  Records  of 
the  Sufferings  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  the  Registry  of  the 
Society  in  Dublin. 

The  Mountmellick  records  of  the  Society  show  that 
Richard  Jackson  was  born  in  1626  at  Eccleston  in  Lancashire, 
and  that  he  was  a  soldier  in  the  Parliamentary  army  when 
he  came  to  Ireland  in  1649.  He  joined  the  Society  of 
Friends  about  1654,  and  the  births,  deaths  and  marriages  of 
four  generations  of  his  descendants  are  all  to  be  found  in  the 
admirably  kept  records  of  the  Society. 

Anthony  Jackson  appears  to  have  been  a  member  of  the 
meeting  of  the  Society  held  at  Oldcastle  in  Co.  Meath,  on 
the  borders  of  the  Co.  Cavan  ;  but  unfortunately  the  records 
of  this  meeting  are  not  now  forthcoming.  He  had  two  sons, 
Thomas  and  Isaac,  and  the  latter  was  the  ancestor  of  Elizabeth 
Jackson  who  married  Mr.  Thomas  Greer  in  1787. 

Isaac  Jackson,  who  was  a  small  farmer  and  a  handloom 
weaver,  lived  for  many  years  at  Ballytore  in  Co.  Kildare.  He 
and  his  wife  Anne,  daughter  of  Rowland  Evans  of  Ballyloing, 
Co.  Wicklow,  were  blessed  with  nine  children  ;  and  in  1725 
he  and  his  wife  and  two  of  his  children  emigrated  to  the 
American  colonies,  and  settled  at  London  Grove  (now  called 
Harmony  Grove),  Chester  County,  Pennsylvania.  His  eldest 
son  Thomas  Jackson  remained  in  Ireland,  and  lived  at  Pin- 
curry,  Co.  Tipperary,  and  afterwards  at  Monasteroris,  King's 
Co.  He  was  the  father  of  William  Jackson  of  Edenderry 
and  Dublin,  who  had  by  his  marriage  with  Sarah,  daughter  ot 
Daniel  Cowman  of  Dublin,  two  children,  viz.  Mary,  who  died 
unmarried  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  and  Elizabeth,  who  married 
Mr.  Thomas  Greer  of  Rhone  Hill  and  Tullylagan. 

A  vast  amount  of  information  as  to  Isaac  Jackson  and 
3089  of  his  descendants  will  be  found  in  Proceedings  of  the 
Sesqui-centennial  Gathering  of  the  Descendants  of  Isaac  and  Anne 
Jackson  at  Harmony  Grove,  Chester  County,  Pa.,  8//6  month  i$tb, 
1875,  together  with  the  Family  Genealogy'  (Philadelphia,  pub- 
lished by  the  committee  for  the  family,  1878). 

For  the  purpose  of  compiling  this  book,  the  editor — a 
member  of  the  Jackson  family — came  to  England  and  Ireland, 
and  endeavoured,  without  success,  to  trace  the  ancestry  of 
Isaac  Jackson's  father  Anthony  Jackson.  He  visited  amongst 

THE  JACKSONS    IN    IRELAND          69 

other  places  Great  Eccleston  in  the  parish  of  St.  Michael's-on- 
Wyre,  Lancashire,  but  found  that  the  parish  registers  did  not 
cover  the  period  at  which  the  baptism  of  Anthony  Jackson 
might  possibly  be  recorded.  The  History  of  St.  Micbaet' s-on- 
Wyre,  published  by  the  Chetham  Society,  however,  shows  that 
there  were  many  Jacksons  living  in  the  parish  in  the  early  part 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  some  of  the  other  publications 
of  the  same  Society  also  supply  evidence  that  then,  as  now, 
Jackson  was  a  common  name  in  Lancashire.  It  may  be  men- 
tioned, too,  that  the  Records  of  the  Mountmellick  meeting  of 
the  Society  of  Friends,  while  Richard  Jackson  and  his  family 
were  members  of  it,  contain  entries  relating  to  an  entirely 
distinct  family  of  Jackson,  also  coming  from  Lancashire. 

Although  there  is  not  any  actual  proof  that  Anthony  Jack- 
son and  Richard  Jackson  were  brothers,  many  things  in 
addition  to  family  tradition  favour  the  idea.  Each  was  a 
prominent  and  zealous  supporter  of  the  doctrines  of  his 
religion  ;  each  named  his  eldest  son  Thomas,  and  another 
son  Isaac  ;  and  each  was  a  friend  and  follower  of  William 
Edmundson,  the  protagonist  of  the  Irish  Quakers  at  that 

But  whether  Anthony  Jackson  was  a  brother  of  Richard 
Jackson  or  not,  does  not  appear  very  material.  To  ascertain 
the  nature  of  his  original  social  position  and  upbringing  we 
may  apply  the  maxim  '  noscitur  a  sociis.' 

Sir  Anthony  Jackson  was  a  man  of  good  family,  a  church- 
man, a  courtier,  and  an  ardent  Royalist ;  while  the  Anthony 
Jackson  in  question  was  a  small  farmer,  a  Puritan,  and  a 
Cromwellian.  Any  one  who  has  studied  the  early  history  of 
the  Society  of  Friends  knows  that  the  Society  was  at  this  time 
recruited  mainly  from  yeomen  and  the  lower  middle  class,  and 
not  from  the  landed  gentry.  Few  would  be  likely  to  join 
its  ranks  who  were  not  already  imbued  with  Puritan  principles. 

Not  only  is  there  an  entire  absence  of  any  evidence  of  a 
descent  of  this  Anthony  Jackson  from  the  Jacksons  of  Kil- 
lingwoldgraves,  but  there  is  a  strong  presumption  against  any 
such  descent. 

It  will  be  found,  I  think,  that  the  first  suggestion  of  this 
descent  came  from  '  George  Henry  de  Strabolgi  Plantagenet ' 
Harrison — or  whatever  his  proper  designation  may  be — whose 
unscrupulous  conduct  in  pedigreemongering  is  dealt  with  by 
Mr.  Walter  Rye  in  his  Records  and  Record  Searching. 


Portions  of  the  Greer  pedigree  as  given  im  the  early  edi- 
tions of  Burke's  Landed  Gentry  were  severely  handled  by 
'  Anglo-Scotus  '  in  the  Herald  and  Genealogist  (vi.  137)  ;  and  I 
think  the  alleged  descent  from  the  Killingwoldgraves  Jacksons 
is  almost  worthy  of  a  place  in  the  Ancestor  under  the  head- 
ing of  '  What  is  Believed.' 

I  notice  that  in  recent  editions  of  Burke's  Landed  Gentry, 
under  the  pedigree  of  '  Greer  of  Tullylagan,'  not  only  is  the 
descent  from  the  Killingwold  Grove  (sic)  Jacksons  given,  but 
it  is  added  :  '  To  this  family  the  late  Gen.  Andrew  Jackson, 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  the  late  "  Stonewall  " 
Jackson,  the  celebrated  Confederate  General,  belonged.' 

The  origin  of  this  latter  statement  is  to  be  found  in  the 
preface  to  the  American  work  on  the  descendants  of  Isaac 
Jackson  already  referred  to.  But  the  editor  of  that  book, 
though  painstaking,  was  no  genealogist  ;  and  starting  with 
the  idea  that  '  Jackson  '  existed  in  England  as  a  surname 
before  the  Conquest  (!),  he  seems  to  have  thought  that  all 
Irish  Jacksons  were  necessarily  related  to  one  another.  He 
did  not,  however,  give  any  evidence  to  establish  a  relationship 
between  the  well-known  President,  or  the  General,  and  Isaac 
Jackson  of  Harmony  Grove,  nor  indicate  how  that  connection 
could  be  traced.  I  have  not  the  book  at  hand,  and  1  think 
that  the  relationship  was  only  mentioned  as  '  a  belief  in  the 
family.'  It  has,  I  think,  no  more  substantial  foundation  than 
the  myth  concerning  the  Killingwoldgraves  descent. 



BENOLTE'S  Visitation  of  Devon,  made  in  1531,  comprises 
a  short  pedigree,  of  which  the  substantial  portions  (in 
modernized  form)  are  subjoined  : — 

JOHN  HEREFORD  of  Monmouth  m.  Pernyll  (no  more 
information  given,. 

JOHN  HEREFORDE  of  London  m.  Joan,  daughter  and 
heir  of  Thomas  Wood  of  Eynsham,  Oxfordshire,  and  had 
issue  John. 

JOHN  m.  Anne,  only  daughter  and  heir  of  Richard  Adyffe 
of  York,  and  has  issue  Henry,  Margaret  and  Joan. 

HENRY  m.  Felice  daughter  of  John  Orange  of  Wimborne, 
Dorset  and  has  issue. 

MARGARET  m.  Henry  Trefre. 

JOAN  m.  Robert  Farey  of  Cullompton,  and  has  issue  John, 
Ewen,  Clement,  Thomazine  and  Alice. 

The  pedigree  is  not  signed  or  dated,  and  it  will  be  observed 
that  no  information  is  given  as  to  the  place  of  abode  of  the 
living  representative  of  the  family.  It  is  also  notable  that  the 
names  of  one  of  his  daughter's  children  are  given  in  full,  but 
not  his  son's.  Curiously  too,  the  wives  and  husbands  of  the 
several  members  of  the  family  all  come  from  different  parts  of 
the  country.  It  is  evident,  from  the  fact  that  the  pedigrees 
which  occupy  several  preceding  and  following  pages  of  the 
volume  are  those  of  South  Devon  families,  that  the  Hereford 
family  was  living  in  that  part  of  the  county.  Since  the  pedi- 
gree came  under  my  notice  first,  some  years  ago,  I  have  by 
the  help  of  the  Calendars  of  State  Papers  temp.  Henry  VIII. 
printed  in  the  Rolls  Series,  identified  the  third  John  Hereford 
with  '  John  Herford,'  or  '  Harford,'  who  was  Mayor  of  Ply- 
mouth in  1517-8  and  again  in  1526-7.  I  have  also  been  able, 
as  I  think,  to  account  For  the  omission  of  Henry  Hereford's 
children  from  the  pedigree. 

As  it  may  serve  to  encourage  such  of  the  readers  of  the 
Ancestor  as  are  still  '  pedigree  hunting,'  to  see  how  the  history 
of  an  obscure  family  may  be  elucidated  by  the  public  records, 
I  propose  to  give  as  briefly  as  possible  the  data  upon  which  I 
base  my  conclusions. 


1512,  June  22.  Appointment  of  John  Dolman  to  be 
'customer'  (i.e.  collector  of  customs)  during  royal  pleasure, 
of  Plymouth  and  Fowey,  in  place  or  John  Hartford. 

1520,  May  23.  Letter  from  John  Herforde,  customer 
of  Plymouth  to  the  King,  advising  him  of  the  approach  of 
the  Emperor's  Fleet. 

1528.  Payment  of  £95  js.  6d.  out  of  the  Treasury  to 
Hen.  Hereford,  customer  of  Plymouth,  for  ships  sent  by 
him  into  Spain  with  the  King's  ambassadors  and  letters,  and 
'for  the  discrying  the  Emperor's  Navy  at  his  last  coming 
out  of  Spain  into  England.' 

Very  soon  after  this,  Henry  Hereford  seems  to  have  got 
into  trouble,  for  in  October  1529  George  Frauncys  was 
appointed  to  be  customer  of  the  ports  of  Plymouth  and  Fowey 
in  Hereford's  place. 

Sometime  in  1531  'Henry  Herforde'  was  in  London,  a 
prisoner,  and  writing  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  praying  for 
speedy  release  that  he  might  pay  his  debt  to  the  Crown. 

Thomas  Crumwel's  memorandum  for  1533-5  contain  the 
following  characteristic  and  ominous  items  : — 

(a)  To  remember  Herffbrde  for  his  end  to  be  taken  with 
the  King  for  £1300. 

(£)  '  Mr.  Attorney '  to  move  for  '  Herforde  '  for  his  end 
etc.  (as  before). 

(f)  Information  against  {  Harford,  customer  of  Plome- 

1534,  Jan.  27.  One  'John  Orenge  '  writes,  evidently 
from  a  remote  part  of  the  country,  to  Crumwel  as  to  a 
recognizance  wherein  the  writer  stands  bound  for  £40 
for  '  Henry  Harfforde,  whom,'  he  adds,  '  I  wish  I  had  never 

It  will  have  been  noticed  that  the  Henry  Herford  of  the 
pedigree  married  a  daughter  of  '  John  Orange.' 

In  1 534,  Henry  Herford  writes  again  to  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk  to  the  same  effect  as  before. 

1536,  Dec.  19.  'Felicia  Hertforde  '  writes  from  London 
to  Lady  Lisle  (Honor  Grenville,  second  wife  of  Arthur 
Plantagenet,  Viscount  Lisle),  thanking  her  for  her  goodness 
to  the  writer  '  when  I  was  your  poor  neighbour  at  the  Black- 
friars,'  and  offering  the  benefit  of  her  advice  and  experience 
as  to  her  Ladyship's  illness,  having  suffered  in  the  same 
(unexplained)  manner  herself,  but  being  then  quite  well. 


During  the  years  1537-8,  several  letters  were  written  to 
Lady  Lisle,  who  was  probably  then  in  Devonshire,  by  John, 
Lord  Hussey,  in  London,  as  to  the  appointment  of  '  Mrs. 
Harforde '  to  some  post  in  his  correspondent's  household  ;  but 
the  proposal  does  not  seem  to  have  been  acceptable  to  Lady 
Lisle.  Finally,  on  22  March  1538,  Lord  Hussey  writes  that 
'  to-day  Mr.  Harford  of  Plymouth  is  executed  for  treason, 
and  with  him  a  money-washer.  Now  Harford's  wife  is  a 

Hollinshed  and  other  chroniclers  mention  this  execution  as 
having  taken  place  in  1538  ;  but  the  several  accounts  are 
slightly  discrepant  in  details  of  names  and  dates. 

After  1538,  there  are  various  references  to  'Felyce  Hert- 
ford '  or  c  Harford,'  widow  who  seems  to  have  done  her  best, 
after  her  husband's  death,  to  obtain  her  dower  out  of  his  lands. 
These  efforts  seem  ultimately  to  have  been  crowned  with  a 
measure  of  success,  for  there  is  recorded  on  the  Patent  Rolls 
for  the  year  1 543  a  document  which,  even  taken  alone,  would 
be  sufficient  to  identify  the  Plymouth  people  with  the  family 
whose  pedigree  is  recorded  by  Benolte.  It  is  epitomized  in 
the  printed  Calendar  as  follows  : — 

May  3.  Lease  to  Felicia  Herford,  widow,  late  wife  of 
Henry  Herford,  deceased,  of  three  tenements  in  Plymouth 
worth  three  marks  a  year  ;  three  messuages  etc.  in  Benston 
and  Eynesham-Tylgartesley,  Oxfordshire,  worth  £4.  ^j.  a 
year  ;  and  a  messuage  and  two  shops  etc.  in  Eynesham 
worth  105.  a  year  :  seised  for  the  debt  of  John  Hereford  and 
the  said  Henry  his  son,  collector  of  customs  and  subsidies  of 
Plymouth  and  Fowey  ;  for  life  or  50  years  from  March  33 
Hen.  VIII.  at  £8.  oj.  U.  rent. 

The  property  in  Oxfordshire  comprised  in  the  lease  is 
evidently  the  inheritance  (or  the  remains  of  it)  of  Joan, 
daughter  of  Thomas  Wood  of  Eynesham,  mentioned  in  the 

It  is  most  unfortunate,  from  the  genealogical  point  of  view, 
that  the  names  of  Henry  Hereford's  children  are  not  given 
in  the  pedigree,  but  the  omission  is  no  doubt  due  to  the  fact 
that  their  father  was  in  1531  a  convicted  felon. 

The  name  of  '  Hurford '  appears  in  the  Parish  Register  of 
Holcombe  Rogus,  north  Devon,  in  1541,  and  even  earlier  in 
certain  neighbouring  parishes  in  Somersetshire,  and  in  Devon- 
shire a  family  of  that  name  has  been  traced,  uninterruptedly, 



from  1541  to  the  present  time,  but,  so  far,  there  is  an  absolute 
failure  of  evidence  connecting  it  with  the  Plymouth  Herfords. 
It  would,  however,  seem  probable  that  Henry  Herford  left 
descendants,  for  at  the  Heralds'  College  there  is  recorded  a 
grant  of  arms  evidently  founded  on  those  allowed  by  Benolte 
in  1 53 1  (viz.  silver  a  fesse  indented  gules  [of  five  fusils]  with 
a  leopard  sable  in  the  chief)  to  '  Hertford '  of  Plymouth, 
made  by  Sir  Christopher  Barker  who  held  the  office  of 
'Garter'  from  1536  to  1549 — and  these  same  arms  have,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  been  used  for  several  generations,  with  or 
without  authority,  by  the  north  Devon  family. 

No  trace  however  of  a  Plymouth  family  of  Hertford  is 
to  be  found  among  the  Exeter  Wills  ;  nor  in  the  Plymouth 
Parish  Register,  as  the  writer  is  credibly  informed. 

The  '  Henry  Trefre  '  of  the  pedigree  can  be  identified  as 
one  of  the  Trefrys  of  Fowey,  Cornwall,  by  the  fact  that 
when  Richard  Symonds  visited  that  place  in  1644,  he  found 
the  Hereford  arms  as  given  above  grouped  with  those  of  the 
Trefry  family  in  one  of  the  church  windows. 





ELDRED  and  another  v.  COURTEENE  and  others 

EJT     Replication  (  )  of  Edward   Eldred  and  George  Avice  to 

the  answers  of  William  Courteene,  Thomas  Trenchfeild  and  Gregory  Clement, 
defendants  maintaining  their  complaint. 


Bill  (z  Feb.  1 6f§)  of  Richard  Evercd  of  Deynton,  co.  Northamp- 
ton, gentleman. 

Answer  (3  April  1630)  of  John  Wolston  of  Deynton,  husbandman,  and 
Agnes  his  wife. 

Concerning  a  lease  of  a  tenement  and  close  made  by  the  defendant 
John  to  the  complainant. 

EDGECOMBE  v.  EDGECOMBE  and  others 

EjV     Bill  (5  Nov.  1627)  of  Thomas  Edgecombe  of  Tryw'ngton  (?),  co. 
Devon,  yeoman. 

Answer  (at  Launceston  3  Oct.  .   .   .)  of  Mary  Gyn,   wife   ot   John  Gyn, 
and  defendant  with  the  said  John  and  Mary  Edgecombe  her  mother. 

Concerning  a  messuage  and  lands  in  Launceston,   formerly   of  Francis 
Edgecombe,  younger  brother  of  complainant. 

Thomas  Edgecombe  .     .     .  =  M  a  r  y  =  Francis  Edgecombe  of  Launceston, 

the  complainant  I    yeoman.      Died  about  two  years 

J    yeoman.      Died  about  tv 
argaret  Edgecombe 

Marjr  wife  Margaret  Edgecombe 
of  John  dau.  and  heir.  Died 
Gyn  or  at  Easter  last,  s.p. 

Jenny  She  was  aged    14  at 

her  father's  death 

EATON  and  others  o.  BEARE 

EA      Bill  (29  June  1631)  of  Robert   Eaton   of  Barnestaple,  co.  Devon, 
plasterer,  Digory  Braunton  of  Bediford,  yeoman,  and  Dorothy  his  wife. 

Answer  (5  Oct.  1631)   of  Joane  Beare,  widow,  and  Arthur  Beare,  de- 




The  complainants  say  that  Sir  Richard  Greenevile  late  of  Stow,  co. 
Cornwall,  knight,  deceased,  was  seised  of  the  manor  of  Bediford,  co. 
Devon,  and  being  so  seised  and  intending  to  go  a  voyage  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  late  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  being  uncertain  whether  he 
should  return  or  no,  the  voyage  being  full  of  peril,  'noblely  and  like 
himselfe  did  resolve  to  benefite  and  reward  such  of  his  servants  as  hee 
had  found  faithfull.'  Calling  therefore  to  mind  the  faithful  service  for 
30  years  of  William  Eaton,  late  of  Barnestaple,  plasterer,  deceased, 
father  of  the  compt.,  the  said  Sir  Richard  resolved  to  bestow  upon 
William  Eaton,  Mary  his  wife  and  Robert  their  son  for  their  lives, 
the  reversion  of  a  house  and  four  acres  of  land  in  Bediford,  parcel  of 
the  manor  wherein  Richard  Hitchcocke  and  Agnes  his  wife  had  then 
an  estate  for  life.  Sir  Richard,  by  deed  12  March  27  Eliza,  granted 
to  the  said  William,  Mary  and  Robert,  the  said  messuage  and  lands 
for  their  three  lives,  for  which  grant  the  said  William  continued  to 
serve  Sir  Richard.  After  the  death  of  Richard  Hitchcocke  his  wife 
Agnes  married  one  John  Alvert.  Agnes  survived  her  husband  and 
died  six  months  since,  and  the  compt.  is  survivor  of  the  grantees. 
Joane  Beare  of  Westleigh,  widow,  and  Arthur  her  son  have  entered 
upon  the  premises  under  a  pretended  lease  from  Sir  Barnard  Greene- 
vile,  son  and  heir  of  Sir  Richard. 


EJL     Bill  (2  Feb.  163^)  of  John    Edwards  the  younger,  gent.,  son  and 
heir  apparent  of  John  Edwards  of  Chirke,  co.  Denbigh,  esquire. 

Bill  (20  June  1631)  of  John  Edwards  son  and  heir  of  John  Edwards  the 
younger  by  Magdalen  his  wife. 

Answers  (29  Sep.  1631)  of  Sir  Thomas  Middelton,  knight,  and   (27  June 
1631)  of  Sir  Thomas  Middelton  the  younger,  knight. 

The  complainant  says  that  his  father  is  seised  for  his  life  of  the  capital 
messuage  of  Chirke,  with  divers  houses  and  land  in  the  county  of 
Denbigh,  with  remr.  to  the  compt.  for  his  life,  with  remr.  to  John 
Edwards  the  compt.'s  son  and  heir  apparent  and  the  heirs  male  of  his 
body,  by  force  of  conveyances  made  by  John  Edwards  the  elder  on 
the  marriage  of  the  compt.  with  Magdalen  (Broughton)  his  now  wife, 
mother  of  his  said  son.  Sir  Thomas  Middelton  the  younger  having 
planted  himself  in  Chirke  and  purchased  divers  lands  there  and  coveting 
the  lands  there  of  the  compt.'s  father,  hath  lent  the  compt.,  who  is  at 
great  charges  with  his  wife  and  many  children,  a  sum  of  money.  The 
compt.  has  been  driven  to  make  sale  of  his  reversion  of  certain  lands  to 
the  said  Middelton.  The  bill  of  the  younger  compt.  recites  the 
settlement  made  before  his  mother's  marriage  as  dated  2 1  Jan.  I  Jac.  I. 
and  made  between  (i)  John  Edwards  the  elder  and  John  Edwards  the 
younger,  (ii)  Roger  Puleston  of  Emerall,  co.  Flint,  esq.  (afterwards 
knight  and  now  dead),  and  (iii)  Morgan  Broughton  of  Marchwiell,  co. 
Denbigh,  esquire,  Thomas  Puleston  of  Lightwood,  co.  Flint,  gent., 
Richard  Lloyd  of  Aston,  co.  Salop,  gent.,  and  Edward  Kinaston  of 
Pant  y  Bersley,  co.  Salop,  gent.  John  Edwards  the  elder  married  four 
wives.  By  his  first  wife  the  daughter  of  Sir  Richard  Sherburne, 
knight,  he  had  i,ooo/.  portion.  With  his  second  wife,  the  widow 


Broughton  (maternal  grandmother  to  the  compt.  John,  son  of  John 
the  younger)  he  had  i,ooo/.  By  Mrs.  Bould  his  third  wife  he  had 
3,ooo/.,  and  with  his  now  wife  he  had  6oo/.  John  Edwards  the 
younger  hath  but  4O/.  yearly  to  maintain  himself,  his  wife  and  eleven 
children.  John  Edwards  the  elder  was  much  offended  with  his 
grandson  John  Edwards,  the  son  of  John  Edwards  the  younger,  for 
his  marriage  with  one  of  the  daughters  of  Sir  Edward  Trevor,  knight, 
which  Sir  Edward  and  his  children  are  well  affected  in  religion,  and 
is  also  offended  for  that  his  said  grandson  conformed  himself  and  came 
to  church  as  soon  as  he  came  to  21  years.  The  said  John  Edwards 
the  elder  hath  no  son  but  John  the  compt.  and  one  daughter  married 
long  since  and  her  portion  paid. 


Bill  (22  April  1629)  of  Robert  Ellice  of  Gray's  Inn,  co.  Middlesex, 

Answer  (2  May  1629)  of  Thomas  Appleby,  a  mercer  of  Oxford. 

Concerning  money  lent  by  the  defendant  to  the  complainant  when 
the  former  was,  about  four  or  five  years  past,  residing  in  Lincoln 
College,  Oxford,  as  a  scholar  and  a  student  there.  The  defendant 
says  that  the  compt.  was  first  of  Mcrton  College. 


EJj-  Bill  (14  July  1641)  of  Joshua  Edow  of  Bronington  in  Hanmer, 
co.  Flint,  gent.,  and  Katherine  his  wife.  Suit  against  Richard  Kyffin  and 
Jane  his  wife  for  alleged  detention  of  deeds. 

Roger  Eyton  of  Halghton  in 
Hanmer  co.  Flint,  gent.,  who 
died  about  twenty-five  years 

Humphrey  Eyton,  gent.  Jane  Eyton,  sister  Dorothy  Eyton,  died 

son  and  heir,   died  s.p.  and  co-heir,  wife  before    her   brother, 

about  eight  years    since          of  Richard  Kyffin          wife  of  ...  Bedow 

Katherine,  sister  and  heir  Samuel  Bcdow,  co-heir 

and     admix,     of    Samuel  with  Jane  Kyffin  of  his 

Bedow  and  wife  of  Joshua  uncle,  and  now  dead  s.p 

Edow  about  four  years  since 


EJ,  Bill  (18  June  1632)  of  Walter  Edwards  of  Obley  in  Clomberry, 
co.  Salop,  husbandman. 

Answer  (29  Sep.  1632)  of  Henry  Filly,  son  of  Henry  Filly,  late  of  Obley. 
Concerning  an  exchange  of  lands  in  Obley  made  in  22  Eliza,  between 
Henry  Filly  the  elder  and  Edward  ap  Evan,  grandfather  of  the  compt. 
Edward  ap  Evan  died  and  his  son  John  Edwards  the  compt.'s  father 
survived  him  twenty  years.  Henry  Filly  the  father  died  about  46 
years  past. 



ELLACOTT  v.  STAYNROD  and  others 

EJ¥  Bill  (8  Nov.  1632)  of  Nicholas  Ellacott  of  St.  Clement  Danes 
without,  Temple  Bar,  complainant. 

Answers  (20  Nov.  1632)  of  Jervies  Staynrod,  citizen  and  merchant  taylor, 
and  (21  Nov.  1632)  of  John  Jefferey,  gent.,  Martin  Page,  and  John  Hide, 
citizen  and  vintner. 

Concerning  the  estate  of  John  Bevington  of  Chancery  Lane,  who 
being  seised  (under  a  lease  of  52  years  made  19  May  37  Eliza.)  of  a 
messuage  in  Chancery  Lane  called  the  St.  John  Baptist's  Head  granted 
the  same  to  Jacob  Page  his  son  in  law. 

John  Bevington  of  Chancery  Lane,  =  Grace  relict  and  co-ex,  of  her  husband, 
who  made  a  will  in  1 3  Jac.  I.  I   She  made  her  will  about  twelve  years  past 


.       | 


Jacob  Page,  died  = 

=  Denys  Bevington 

=  Nicholas  Ellacott  =          A  daughter 

A  daughter 

at  Shrovetide  12 
Jac.  I. 

relict  and  admix, 
of  Jacob  Page 

the  complainant,   I           married 
married  to  Denys  1           Jervis 
Bevington  z  Jan.   I           Staynrod 

I6'«           1 

John  Hide 



I                i 

John  Page, 

who  is 

Grace  Page, 

Edward  Page,          Martin  Page,  now  an 

said  by  the 


married  about 

died  a  minor            apprentice  to  Richard 

to  have    come    of         Nov.  22  Jac. 

Hough,  alias   Wood- 

age  in  Nov. 

21  Jac. 

I.  to  Richard 

keeper,  who  married 

I.      The 



one  of  the  daughters 

ants  say  he 

died  a 

of  Nicholas  Ellacott. 


He    came    of  age    in 

Sept.  1631 


Bill  (15  July  1641)  of  Robert  Edwards  of  Burgeding,  co.  Mont- 
gomery, gent. 

Answer  (6  Nov.    1641)  of  Katherine    Edwards,  in  the   bill  named  as 
Katherine  Edwards  alias  Humffrey,  the  mother  of  the  complainant. 

Concerning  the  defendants  dower  in  Burgeding.  She  calls  the  compt. 
a  very  unnatural  and  disobedient  son.  Her  late  husband  was  Edward 
David  ap  Morris  of  Bargeding,  and  she  had  other  children  beside  the 

EYSTON  and  another  v.  MONEY  and  others 

Bill  (23  Oct.  1632)   of  William  Eyston  of  Catmere,   Berks,  and 
Thomas  Nelson  of  Chaddleworth,  esquires. 

Answer    (8   Nov.    1632)  of  Richard   Money,  Samuel  Ironmonger   and 
William  Ironmonger  (of  Reading). 

Concerning  the  cutting  of  woods  in  Henwicke,  Thatcham  and  Shawe. 
The  compt.  Samuel  is  son  of  another  Samuel  Ironmonger,  who  died 
in  August  i  Car.  I.,  whose  exors.  the  defendants  are.  The  defend- 
ants name  Thomas  Ironmonger,  younger  son  of  the  dead  Samuel. 


EYRE  v.  EYRE  and  another 

E-fa     Bill  (n    Feb.    164.2)   of  John  Eyre  of  Hathersedge,  co.   Derby, 


Answer  (19  Oct.  1641)  of  Robert  Eyre,  esq.,  Thomas  Eyre,  gent.,  and 

George  Wilshawe  (defendants  with  Elizabeth  Eyre),  late  wife  of  George  Eyre 

who  died  10  years  since. 

Concerning  lands  in  Offerton  in  Hathersedge  of  which  Robert  Eyre 
of  Highlow,  esq.,  was  formerly  seised.  The  said  Robert  conceiving 
a  displeasure  against  his  wife  Bridget  refused  to  live  longer  with  her, 
and  made  a  settlement  upon  her  for  her  separate  maintenance  by  an 
indenture  made  20  April  1 1  Jac.  I.  between  him  and  Sir  John  Ferrers, 
knight,  her  brother.  The  said  Bridget  yet  lives.  Robert  had  issue 
an  only  son  Thomas  Eyre,  whose  courses  his  father  misliked.  Thomas 
was  father  of  Robert  the  defendant.  Robert  Eyre  the  grandfather  by 
deed  of  feoffment  20  April  2  Car.  I.  settled  the  messuage  and  lands 
called  the  Callowe  for  life  upon  Mary  Barley  his  cousin.  This  Mary, 
say  the  defendants,  was  a  popish  recusant  and  induced  and  drew 
away  Robert  to  become  one  also,  for  which  he  was  convicted. 

EMOTT  and  another  v.  SOMASTER  and  another 

Bill  (29  Nov.  1641)  of  James  Emott  and  Richard  Belfield  of 
Paington,  co.  Devon,  gentlemen,  compts.  against  George  Somaster  and 
Thomas  Hammett. 

One  Anne  Somaster,  dau.  and  heir  of  one  Sweeteland  of  Stokegabriell, 
deceased,  was  left  in  the  care  of  the  compts.  and  had  an  estate  of 
2,ooo/.  value  left  her  by  her  father.  Her  mother  Cecily  Sweetland 
had  her  wardship,  and  remarried  with  one  Allan  Lyde.  The  said 
Anne  married  Mr.  George  Somaster  against  the  good  liking  of  her 
guardians.  They  lived  not  long  together  and  she  returned  at  length 
to  her  mother,  the  Bishop  of  the  diocese  making  an  order  for  their 
living  asunder. 


EJy     Bill  (25  Nov.  1641)  of  John  Evans  of  Colridge,  co.  Devon,  yeoman 
compt.  against  Annanias  Buckingham  and  Phillippe  his  wife. 

Concerning  the  estate  of  Richard  Evans  late  of  Colridge,  deceased, 
father  of  the  compt.,  whose  relict  Phillippe,  the  compt.'s  mother  is 
now  wife  of  Annanias  Buckingham. 


Answer  (21  June  1632)  of  Sydney  Ellys,  gent.,  to  the  bill  of  com- 
plaint of  Roger  Ellys,  esquire. 

Concerning  a  rectory,  probably  in  the  marches  of  Wales.  The  de- 
fendant names  Andrew  Ellys,  who  was  great-uncle  to  the  complainant. 
The  compt.  is  married  and  has  children.  The  answer  names  Francis 
Ellys,  kinsman  of  the  compt. 


ELLICE  v.  ANGELL  and  another 

E-jL  Bill  (18  June  1629)  of  Robert  Ellice  of  Grays  Inn,  Middlesex, 
gent.,  and  Thomas  Ellice  of  the  same,  his  brother,  compts.  against  William 
Angell,  citizen  and  merchant  taylor,  and  Thomas  Butler,  gent. 

The  defendants  were  exors.  of  the  will  dated  July  1625  ot  Griffin 
Ellice  of  London,  merchant  taylor,  deceased,  father  of  the  compts., 
who  named  them  as  his  exors.  until  Thomas  Ellice  his  younger  son 
should  be  of  full  age,  to  which  age  he  came  in  August  last. 

EVENS  v.  DIXON  and  others 

E  Jy  Answers  (2  Jan.  1 64^)  of  Anne  Dixon  alias  Bancks  and  Elizabeth 
Kiggalls  (?)  defendants  (with  John  Waller)  to  the  bill  of  Edward  Evens,  gent. 
Concerning  a  legacy  given  to  the  compt.  under  the  will  of  Christopher 
Norris  his  uncle,  father  to  these  two  defendants,  which  will  was  dated 
22  July  1645  and  proved  by  Mercy,  these  defendants'  mother,  who 
had  been  named  extrix.  with  one  Edward  Morgan.  The  said  Mercy 
survived  her  husband  less  than  a  year  and  made  a  will  in  July  1 646, 
which  was  proved  by  the  defendant  John  Waller  of  St.  Saviour's 
Southwark,  brewer. 


EJ_  Bill  (14  June  1632)  of  Thomas  Edgcumbe  of  Ermingeton,  co. 
Devon,  yeoman. 

Answer  (3  Oct.  1632)  at  Egloskerry,  co.  Cornwall,  of  Thomas  Cruse, 
esquire,  and  Elizabeth  his  wife. 

Concerning  a  bond  whereby  in  October  19  Jac.  I.  one  Francis  Edge- 
combe  of  Launceston,  yeoman,  became  bound  to  one  John  Baron. 
The  compt.  is  eldest  brother  of  the  said  Francis  and  next  heir  of 
Margaret,  dau.  and  heir  of  Francis.  The  defendant  Elizabeth  was 
relict  and  extrix.  of  John  Baron. 

EVANS  and  another  v.  DONE 

EJT  Bill  (23  June  1631)  of  Richard  Evans  and  Susan  his  wife,  and 
Elizabeth  Done  an  infant. 

Answers  (4  Aug.  1631)  of  Agnes  Done,  widow,  and  (10  Oct.  1631)  of 
John  Betteson  and  Richard  Kilverte,  esq.  (defendants  with  John  Done,  cord- 
wainer,  William  Cooke  and  Sarah  Maybancke). 

Concerning  the  estate  of  John  Done,  citizen  and  white  baker  of  Lon- 
don, deceased. 

.  .  ,  =  John  Done,  citizen  and  =  Agnes  the              Robert  Done  =  Elizabeth  dau.  of  a 

white  baker,  who  made        defendant 

former  wife  of  her 

a  will  5  Sept.  22  Jac. 






John  Done,  sailor.  =  Susan,  relict  =  Richard  Evans  William  Done  James  Done 

Will  dated  22  Nov.       and  extrix.  of  died  s. p.  died  s. p. 

1626  John  Done 



Bill  (25  May  1647)  of  Christopher  Elam  of  Brampton,  co.  Derby, 

Answer  (21  June  1647)  of  George  Hall  of  Lancashire,  yeoman. 
Concerning  dealings  in  malt. 

EDWARDS  v.  LUCAS  and  others 

E-g\  Bill  (14  Nov.  1645)  of  Abraham  Edwards  the  younger  of  Port- 
slade,  co.  Sussex,  gent.,  and  Abraham  Edwards,  only  son  and  heir  of  Abraham 
Edwards  the  elder  late  of  Portslade,  gent.,  deceased,  an  infant  under  2 1  yean 
by  the  said  Abraham  Edwards  the  younger,  his  uncle  and  guardian. 

Answer  (19  Jan.  164$)  of  Walter  Lucas,  gent.,  and  Frances  his  wife, 
Robert  Smith  and  Jane  his  wife,  Mary  Ledbeater,  widow,  John  Chatfeild  and 
Elizabeth  Chatfeild  his  daughter  (a  minor). 

Concerning  the  alleged  will  of  Abraham  Edwards  of  Worth,  co.  Sussex, 
deceased,  dated  18  April,  1639.  The  defendants  say  that  they  are  his 
heirs  at  law. 


Frances,  died  =  Abraham  Edwards  =  Anne,  relict          Abraham  Edwards 
four   or   five        of  Worth,  co. 
years  since  Sussex,  died  s.  p.  at 

Worth  after  Sep.  1643 

Abraham  Edwards  Abraham  Edwards 

of  Portslade,  gent.  of   Portslade,  the 


Abraham  Edwards, 
son  and  heir 

EYRE  v.  SMITH  and  others 

E^s,     Replication  (  )  of  Edmund  Eyre,  to  the  answers  of  Lod- 

wicke  Smith  and  Mary  his  wife,  Ursula  Dodd,  John  Bowman,  George  Blundell 
and  Richard  Wood,  defendants. 

Concerning  the  goods  of  the  compt.  unjustly  seized  and  carried  away. 

EDWARDS  v.  LIDSEY  and  another 

EJT     Bill  (8  Feb.  164$)  of  William  Edwards  of  Kingstone,  co.  Surrey, 

Answer  (15  Feb.  164^)  ot  Richard  Lidsey  ot  Kingstone,  maltster  (de- 
fendant with  George  Geldon). 

Concerning  a  lease  in  Kingstone. 


ET\j     Bill  (11  June  1632)  of  Hugh  ap  Edward  of  Penryn  Vawr,  co. 
Montgomery,  gent. 

Answer  (6  Feb.  163!)  of  David  Griffith  and  Syna  his  wife. 


Concerning  messuages  and  lands  in  Penryn  Vawr,  whereof  Maud  verch 
Jevan  was  seized.  Action  for  recovery  of  deeds.  The  defendant 
Syna  was  late  wife  to  Lewis  ap  Owen,  .son  of  Owen  ap  Griffith  ap 
Llewellyn,  and  is  mother  of  his  heir  John  Lewis,  now  aged  nine.  The 
compt.  gives  this  pedigree  : — 

Maude  verch  Jevan,  who  made  a  settlement 
on  her  son's  marriage  in  Sep.  3  Eliz. 

Jevan  Griffith  ap  Llewellyn,  =  Jonett  verch  Thomas 
son  and  heir  |   ap    Roger,    sister    of 

Roger  ap  Thomas 

Edward  ap  Jevan  ap  Griffith 

Hugh  ap  Edward,  ion 
and  heir,  compt. 

EMPINGHAM  and  others  v.  PHILLIPSON  and  another 

Bill  (20  April  1629)  of  Dunston  Empingham  of  Ulcebye,  co.  Lin- 
coln, yeoman,  Robert  Empingham  and  Simon  Empingham  of  Barton  upon 
Humber,  yeomen,  and  Thomas  Tofte  of  Barton,  yeoman,  and  Avis  his  wife. 

Answer  (26  March  i6|§)  of  Thomas   Phillipson  and  Elizabeth  his  wife 
and  Robert  Upplebye. 

Concerning  the  will  of  Leonard  Empingham. 

i.  ii. 

Empingham  =  Avis,  who  survived  both  husbands  =  Crosse 

I   and  died  about  thirteen  years  since 
i.  ii. 

Leonard  Empingham  of  =  Elizabeth  =  Thomas 
Barton,  yeoman.     Died  Phillipson 

about  six  years  since 






Avis  wife 
of  Thomas 






EVANS  v.  BACKHOUSE  and  others 

Bill  (19  Nov.  1644)  of  Robert  Evans  of  Reading,  tanner,  and  Anne 

his  wife. 

Answer  (20  Nov.  1644)  of  Edward   Backhouse  (of  Reading)  the  father, 

Edward  Backhouse  the  son,  Thomas  Backhouse  of  Grayes  in  Oxford,  Thomas 

Hensey  and  Peter  Wood. 

Concerning  a  box  of  bonds  and  money  which,  as  is  alleged  by  the 
compt.  one  John  Backhouse  of  Reading,  a  well  affected  person  to  the 
parliament,  concealed  during  the  siege  of  Reading.  The  compt. 
Anne  is  his  relict  and  extrix.  and  Edward  Backhouse  the  elder  is  his 



E  JT     Bill  (3  Sep.  1 646)  of  Richard  Evelyn  of  Baynards  in  Ewhurst,  co. 
Surrey,  esquire. 

Answer  (4  Sep.  1 646)  of  Henry  Ockly  of  Ewhurst,  gent. 

Concerning  a  messuage  and  lands  called  Somersbury  in  Ewhurst. 

EDGAR  aRas  SNOWE  v.  BLANCHARD  and  others 

EJK     Bill  (9  Feb.  i6f§)  of  William  Edgar  aRas  Snowe  of  Longstocke,  co. 
Southampton,  yeoman. 

Answer  (9  April  1630)  of  Alice  Blanchard,  widow,  and  John   Hughes 
(defendants  with  Thomas  Snowe). 

Concerning  a  messuage  and  lands  in  Stockbridge  and  elsewhere  in 
Hampshire,  of  which  Robert  Blanchard  of  Stockbridge,  husbandman, 
was  formerly  seised.  The  defendant  Alice  is  his  relict.  Agnes  Edgar, 
widow,  the  compt.'s  mother  had  dower  in  these  lands.  Robert 
Blanchard  is  described  by  these  defendants  as  a  very  weak  man  and 
altogether  illiterate.  Joan  Edgar,  widow,  is  named. 

EYRE  ».  BRIGHT  and  another 

E-Jy     Bill  (15  June  1631)  of  Henry  Eyre  of  Edall,  co.  Derby,  gent. 

Answer  (24  Sep.  1631)  of  Stephen  Bright  and  Thomas  Browne,  gent. 
Concerning  a  crown  lease  made  in  1602  to  the  compt.  of  Lady  Booth's 
vaccary  in  Edall,  the  moiety  being  in  trust  for  one  Margery  Eyre, 
wife  of  Robert  Eyre. 

ELLIS  and  others  v.  NOYCE  and  others 

E^  Bill  (15  May  1628)  of  John  Ellis  of  Oxford,  gent.,  William  Alex- 
ander of  Caversham,  co.  Oxford,  gent.,  Hugh  Ellis  of  Henley  on  Thames,  co. 
Oxford,  gent.,  William  Jerish  of  Sinsam,  co.  Berks,  Thomas  Headland  of 
Shinfeild,  co.  Berks,  and  Edward  Ellis  of  Swallowfeild,  co.  Berks. 

Answer  (13  June  1628)  of  Richard  Noyce,  gent.,  and  Grissell  his  wife 
and  Thomas  Brickett  (defendants  with  Nicholas  Gunter  of  Reading  and  Edward 
his  son). 

Concerning  the  parsonage  of  Shinfeild,  of  which  John  Ellis  of  Shin- 
feild was  seised.     Edward  Ellis  the  compt.  is  named  as  his  brother. 

i.  ii.  Hi.  iv. 

Anne,  firit  == =  John  Ellis  of  Shinfeild.  =  Grissell,  third  =  Richard   Noyce  of 

wife  I   second  wife   I   Will  dated  16  Sep.  1626     I   wife  Shinfeild,  gent. 

I   wife 

Anne  Ellis     Elizabeth     John  Ellis  Nicholas  Ellis  Grissell  Ellis 



Fy     Replication  (  )  of  John  Forward  and  Elizabeth  his  wife  to 

the  answer  of  Maximilian  Madocke,  defendant. 
The  complainants  maintain  their  bill. 



FOSTER  v.  SMITH  and  others 

Fi  Replication  (  )  of  Arthur  Foster  to  the 'answers  of  Thomas 

Smith  and  Jane  his  wife  and  Jane  Foster  (an  infant,  by  Thomas  Smith  her 
guardian)  and  Thomas  Payne. 

The  complainants  maintain  their  bill. 


F^     Replication  (  )  of  William  Ford  to  the  answer  of  Christopher 

Townsend,  defendant. 

The  complainant  maintains  his  bill. 

FAULZER  v.  PEAKE  and  others 

F£     Answer  (22  June  1646)  of  William  Peake  and  Margaret  his  wife, 
two  of  the  defendants  to  the  bill  of  Robert  Faulzer,  complainant. 

Concerning  sums  of  money  alleged  to  have  been  lent  by  Milicent, 
wife  of  the  compt.  and  godmother  to  Mary  Peake,  one  of  the  children 
of  these  defendants. 

FILL  and  another  v.  DABBS  and  another 

F|     Replication   (  )  of  Philip  Fill,  Thomas  Fill  and  William 

Cotterell,  complainants,  to  the  answers  of  Thomas  Dabbs,  Elizabeth  his  wife 
and  Michael  Knight. 

Concerning  lands  late  of  John  Fill,  deceased,  which  he  is  said  to  have 
leased  to  William  Cotterell.  He  died  without  issue  and  Philip  and 
Thomas  are  his  brothers  and  heirs.  He  was  uncle  to  Thomas  Dabbes 
and  his  wife. 


Fi     Replication   (  )   of  William   Franke,  complainant,   to   the 

answer  of  John  Hart. 

The  complainant  maintains  his  bill. 


F-f     Replication  of  Frances  Fawnt,  complainant,  to  the  answers  of  George 
Fawnt  and  Henry  Fawnt,  esquires. 
The  complainant  maintains  his  bill. 

FANE  v.  LEWKNOR  and  others 

F£     Further  answer  (zo  May  1647)  of  Dame  Mary  Lewknor,  widow, 
one  of  the  defendants  to  the  bill  of  Dame  Anne  Fane,  widow. 

Concerning  a  lease  alleged  to  have  been  made  by  one  Gifford  to  Sir 
Lewis  Tresham,  who  made  some  estate  to  Thomas  Henshaw,  another 


FANE  t>.  LEWKNOR  and  others 

FA     Further  answer  (20  May  1647)  of  Thomas  Henshaw,  gent.,  one  of 
the  defendants  to  the  bill  of  Dame  Anne  Fane,  widow. 
[See  also  F|]. 


F^  Bill  (15  July  1641)  of  Dorothy,  the  lady  Fitch  of  Woodham  Water 
in  the  county  of  Essex,  widow,  relict  of  Sir  William  Fitch  late  of  Woodham 
Water,  knight,  deceased,  complainant  against  Thomas  Lancelot  of  Daneburie, 
co.  Essex,  butcher. 

Bargains  concerning  cattle  made  between  the  defendant  and  Sir  William 

Fitch,  who  died  4  Feb.  1 

FLECKER  v.  FLECKER  and  others 

Answer  (15   Jan.  164^)  of  Thomas  Flecher,  William   Jakson  and 
Thomas  Dikes,  defendants  to  the  bill  of  Richard  Flecher. 

Concerning  the  lands  of  Thomas  Flecher  of  Moorside  (Cumberland) 
who  died  five  or  six  years  since.  The  defendant  Thomas  Flecher  is 
his  son  and  heir  by  the  first  wife,  and  the  complainant  a  son  by  a 
second  wife. 

FREEMAN  and  others  v.  CLARKE  and  others 

F-jij  Answer  (13  May  1630)  of  Clement  Clarke  (of  Yelvertoft,  North- 
ants,  yeoman),  one  of  the  defendants  to  the  bill  of  George  Freeman,  Sarah 
his  wife  and  Edward  Meeres  and  others. 

Concerning  the  estate  of  Edward  Marshall,  late  of  Yelvcrtoft,  North- 
ants,  deceased. 

(See  the  bill  and  answer 


F-jij     Replication  (  )  of  Caldwall  Farrington  to  the  answer  ot 

John  Farrington. 

Concerning  the  indentures  of  entail  of  three  farms  in  Alston,  Bradley 
and  Mitton,  co.  Stafford,  delivered  by  Thomas  Farrington,  now  dead, 
the  eldest  brother  of  the  said  Caldwall  Farrington. 


F-jL     Bill  (23  Nov.  1644)  of  John  Flack  of  Wymbish  in  Essex,  yeoman. 
Answer  (28  Nov.  1644)  of  John  Taylor. 

Concerning  a  lease  made  14  Feb.  14  Car  I.  by  the  compt.  to  the  de- 

fendant of  a  tenement  and  lands  in  Radwinter. 

FYNES  v.  BARDSEY  and  another 

F^     Further  answer  (30  Nov.  1631)  of  James  Bardsey,  defendant  (with 
one  Rolfe)  to  the  bill  of  Sir  Henry  Fynes,  knight,  complainant. 
Money  matters. 


FENTON  v.  SHALES  and  another 

F-jL     Bill  (9  June  1645)  of  Emanuell  Fenton  of  Hull,  gent. 

Answer  (17  June  1645)  of  Henry  Shales  and  Nicholas  Wright. 

Replication  (  )  of  Emanuell  Fenton. 

Concerning  a  sum  of  5O/.  borrowed  by  the  compt.  of  one  Nicholas 
Bingham  on  a  bond  dated  1 8  June  1 7  Jac.  I.  Nicholas  Bingham  died 
intestate  and  Thomas  Wright,  esquire,  father  of  the  defendant  Nicholas, 
also  died  intestate  many  years  since,  leaving  the  said  Nicholas  Wright 
very  young  and  in  charge  of  his  uncle  Peter  Wright,  who  was  careless 
of  his  trust,  whereby  the  said  Nicholas  and  the  other  children  of 
Thomas  have  suffered.  Henry  Shales  was  a  creditor  and  is  the  admor. 
of  Nicholas  Bingham.  He  married  one  of  the  daughters  of  Thomas 

FEAST  v.  DRAPER  and  others 

FyV     Answer  (14  Oct.  1645)  of  Jasper  Draper,  gent.,  one  of  the  de- 
fendants to  the  bill  of  Robert  Feast,  complainant. 
Money  matters  and  an  indenture  of  mortgage.     William  Feast,  a  son 
of  the  complainant,  is  named. 

FENNE  v,  CHAPMAN  and  others 

F-jL  Answer  (zz  Oct.  1631)  of  John  Chapman,  gent.,  one  of  the  de- 
fendants to  the  bill  of  Joan  Fenne,  widow. 

Concerning  the  marriage  portion  of  one  Elizabeth  Songehurst,  a  kins- 
woman of  Nicholas  Burley,  who  married  John  Fenne,  son  and  heir  of 
Christopher  Fenne.  One  Edmund  Songehurst  is  named  as  one  from 
whom  money  was  due  to  the  said  Elizabeth. 

FREEMAN  and  others  v.  WARD  and  another 

F-fL  Bill  (8  May  1630)  of  George  Freeman  of  Yelvertoft,  Northants, 
yeoman,  Sara  his  wife,  Edward  Meeres  of  Yelvertoft,  husbandman,  and 
Elizabeth  his  wife. 

Answer  (ll  May  1630)  of  Edward  Ward  (defendant  with  Clement 

—  Edward  Marshall  of  =  Henry  Marshall 

I   Yelvertoft,  yeoman    I 

Sara,  mar.  Margaret,  d.  Elizabeth,  mar.     Joan,  wife     two  other  William 

to  George  unmarried  to  Edward  of  one  daus.  Marshall 

Freeman  about  8  years  Meeres  about  6     Freeman 

about  5  years  since  years  since 


1  1 

Concerning  a  deed  of  Edward  Marshall,  dated  20  Aug.  15  Jac.  I., 
conveying  his  lands  in  Yelvertoft  to  Edward  Ward  and  Clement 



F-j'jy  Bill  (15  July  1641)  of  John  Fox  the  younger,  an  infant,  and  eldest 
son  of  John  Fox  the  elder  of  Warbois,  co.  Huntingdon,  yeoman,  by  the  said 
John  Fox  his  guardian,  complainant  against  Leonard  Ellington  the  elder,  of 
Warbois,  yeoman,  Leonard  Ellington  the  younger,  and  Gabriel  Ellington. 

Concerning  the  will  of  Francis  Fox  of  Warbois,  dated  29  May  1639, 
who  made  his  wife  Lucy  and  the  compt.  his  exors.  Lucy  survived 
her  husband  and  died  at  the  feast  of  the  Annunciation  last  past.  Her 
brother  Leonard  Ellington  the  elder  and  his  two  sons  Leonard  and 
Gabriel  are  said  to  have  conveyed  away  her  goods. 

FANN  v.  LACY  and  another 

Bill  (8  Feb.  164^)  of  Richard  Fann  of  Dagenham,  Essex,  black- 
smith, complainant  against  John  Lacy  of  Rainham,  victualler,  and  Anne  his 
wife,  and  John  Bird  of  Redriffe  in  Surrey,  their  kinsman. 

Concerning  the  estate  of  Joan  Bird  of  Dagenham,  widow,  who  re- 
married with  the  compt.  Before  this  marriage  the  said  Joan  by  in- 
denture dated  2  Jan.  4  Car.  I.  between  herself  and  Ralph  Frith,  citizen 
and  draper  of  London,  settled  her  lands  in  Dagenham  upon  the  said 
Frith  in  trust  to  the  use  of  herself  and  the  said  Richard  Fann.  The 
defendant  Lacy  and  his  wife  claim  to  be  her  next  heirs.  Joan  is 
lately  dead  without  issue. 

FRY  and  others  v.  ROWSWELL 

FJj  Bill  (n  June  1641)  of  William  Fry  of  Yarty,  co.  Devon,  esquire, 
Thomas  Drake  of  Wiscombe,  esquire,  and  Thomas  Pyne  of  Axmouth,  gent., 
complainants  against  Sir  Henry  Rowswell. 

Concerning  a  lease  of  messuages  and  lands  in  Axminster  made  1 6  May 
12  Car.  I.  by  Sir  John  Drake,  knight,  now  deceased,  to  the  complain- 
ants and  to  Sir  Henry  Rowswell,  knight.  Sir  John  Drake  made  a 
will  1 8  Aug.  following  directing  the  employment  of  the  rents  of  the 
premises  for  the  raising  of  portions  for  his  daughters.  A  codicil  was 
added  on  23  August.  The  said  Sir  John  died  leaving  six  daughters. 
Sir  Henry  Rowswell  now  detains  the  indenture  of  lease. 


Bill  (14  May    1648)  of  Thomas  Flexney  of  the  Inner  Temple, 
esquire,  compt.  against  William  Turner  of  Oxford,  gent. 

Concerning  the  lease  of  a  brewhouse  in  St.  Michael's  in  Oxford. 


Bill   (30  May  1644)   of  Anne  Felsted  of  Saffron   Walden,   Essex, 
widow,  admix,  of  Thomas  Cole,  gent.,  her  late  father,  who  died  intestate  1 8 


or  1 9  months  since  at  Saffron  Walden,  and  compt.  against  William  Cole  and 
Lettice  his  wife,  Dina  Cole,  John  Cole  and  Henry  Thody. 

Concerning  the  estate  of  the  said  Thomas  Cole.  The  defendants 
William  and  John  Cole  are  brothers  to  the  compt.,  and  the  said  Dina 
Cole  is  her  stepmother. 


Fjij     Bill  (24  April  1643)  of  John  Farewell  of  Worplesdon,  co.  Surrey, 
esquire,  compt.  against  John  Jarrett  alias  Garrard. 

Concerning  the  alleged  detention  of  the  compt. 's  horses  by  the  hostlers 
of  John  Jarrett  alias  Garrard,  host  of  the  White  Hart  in  Tuttle  Street, 


FEILD  alias  FEILDER  and  others  v.  INGLEFEILD  and  others. 

FJj-  Bill  (  .  .  .  1644)  of  William  Feild  alias  Feilder  of  Farneham, 
Surrey,  yeoman,  Robert  Greene  of  West  Smithfield,  London,  farrier,  and 
Elizabeth  his  wife,  sister  of  the  said  William,  compts.  against  Thomas  Inglefeild, 
John  Thompson  and  Robert  Thompson,  Thomas  Pullen,  Sarah  Paggitt,  Edith 
Champe,  Thomas  Cresheild,  esq.,  John  Bristowe,  Edmond  Heylord,  Richard 
Larymore  and  William  Saunders. 

Concerning  the  estate  of  Thomas  Feild  alias  Feilder  of  Eversley, 
Hants,  husbandman,  deceased,  cousin  german  by  the  father's  side  to 
the  compts.  William  and  Elizabeth.  An  earlier  bill  dated  .  .  . 
October  .  .  .  describes  the  compt.  Elizabeth  as  a  spinster  of  Little 
St.  Bartholomew's  in  London. 

FISHER  v.  FISHER,  and  another 

Bill  (12  Feb.  164^)  of  John  Fisher  of  Colchester,  sayweaver,  compt. 
against  Rebecca  Fisher  and  Nicholas  Smith. 

The  compt.  is  son  and  heir  of  John  Fisher  of  St.  James'  in  Colchester, 
deceased,  who  died  in  September,  1642,  having  given  by  deed  dated 
14  March  164^  all  his  goods  and  money  in  trust  to  Jonathan  Fisher, 
younger  brother  of  the  compt.  in  certain  trusts.  Rebeccah  Fisher, 
relict  and  extrix.  of  the  said  Jonathan,  refuses  to  discharge  these  trusts. 


Bill  (20  Nov.  1632)  of  William  Frothingham  of  Canwicke,  Lincoln, 
yeoman,  compt.  against  George  Stowe  of  Stapleford,  gent. 

Concerning  a  settlement  of  his  goods  which  the  compt.  made  when 
much  engaged  for  other  men's  debt.  The  compt.  had  rents  in  Lin- 
coln, Canwicke  and  Waddington  in  right  of  his  wife. 


FORD  v.  BENNETT  and  others 

¥-&     Bill  (9  June   1632)  of  Edward  Ford  of  Ellford,  co.  Oxford,  hus- 
bandman, compt.  against  Walter  Bennett,  Richard  Tanner  and  Thomas  Wyatt. 
Concerning  a  leasehold  farm  in   Duckleton,  formerly  of  Richard  Ford 
of  Duckleton,  yeoman,  late  brother  to  the  compt.,  who  made  his  will 
about  i  Car.  I.  whereof  the  compt.  is  exor. 

FREEMAN  v.  FREEMAN  and  others 

F-J'J-  Bill  (10  Feb.  i6zf)  of  William  Freeman,  citizen  and  merchant 
taylor  of  London,  on  behalf  of  himself  and  of  John  Freeman,  an  infant,  his 
son  and  heir  by  Alice  his  wife,  deed.,  daughter  and  heir  of  John  Lancaster, 

Further  answer  (28  May  1629)  of  George  Freeman  of  Coventry,  baker, 
William  Astell  of  Coventry,  tailor,  and  Anne  Brian,  widow,  mother  of  George 

Concerning  messuages  in  Gore  Lane,  Gloucester,  late  of  John  Freeman 
of  Gloucester,  M.D.,  who  was  seised  of  them  in  right  of  Tacy  his  wife. 

John  Freeman,  M.D.,  =  Tacy,  dau.  of  William  French 
of  Gloucester 

John  Freeman,  who  died 
about  23  year*  since 

William  Freeman,  the  compt. 



THE  value  of  Chancery  Proceedings  to  the  genealogist 
must  be  well  known  to  every  reader  of  the  Ancestor ;  that 
they  may  also  prove  most  useful  to  those  who  would  tell  tales 
of  our  grandfathers  it  is  hoped  may  be  shown  by  the  following 
story  of  the  marriage  of  Thomas  Harvey,  a  Bristol  boy,  when 
Charles  II.  was  king. 

In  his  Petition1  of  20  November,  1684,  Thomas  describes 
himself  as  of  Bristol,  gentleman,  and  as  an  infant  approaches 
the  Chancellor  by  his  next  friend  and  guardian  Daniel  Pym  of 
Bristol,  gentleman. 

'  Your  Orator  about  ten  years  last  past  came  from  the  Island 
of  Nevis  to  the  City  of  Bristol,  being  then  of  very  tender 
years'  and  some  time  after  went  to  live  with  Mr.  Daniel  Pym 
in  the  said  city  '  neare  to  the  dwelling  house  of  one  John 
Clarke,  watchmaker.'  Now  John  Clarke  '  understanding  that 
your  Orator  was  lately  come  from  Nevis  and  had  a  consider- 
able estate '  there  *  pretended  a  great  kindness  to  him  and  con- 
triving and  working  by  such  and  the  like  ways  and  means  did 
in  or  about  the  months  of  September  and  August  1680  take 
your  Orator  about  five  miles  distance  from  the  City  of  Bristol 
and  by  promises  of  a  great  portion  inveigled  him  to  marry 
Margaret  late  one  of  the  daughters  of  the  said  John  Clarke.' 
After  this  incident  he  returned  to  his  guardian  and  was  sent 
by  him  { to  schoole  in  the  country  whence  John  Clarke  tooke 
him  and  forced  him  to  table  with  him '  and  the  deserted  Mar- 
garet, '  and  took  into  his  possession  the  goods  of  your  Orator 
sent  over  from  Nevis  in  trust,  as  he  said,  for  your  Orator,  his 
wife  and  their  children  till  St.  James-tide  last  year  to  the  value 
of  £2,000  and  upwards.'  But  to  wait  at  Bristol  for  what 
might  turn  up  in  ships  hailing  from  Nevis  was  not  enough,  and 
'  about  three  years  since  John  Clarke  in  further  prosecution  of 
his  contrivance  to  get  your  Orators  estate  into  his  own  hands 
persuaded  your  Orator  to  entrust  his  son  Samuel  Clarke  to  be 
his  factor  and  go  over  to  Nevis  and  look  after  his  concerns 
there.'  Samuel  managed  the  plantations  in  Nevis  for  two 

1  Chan.  Proc.  befcre  1714:  Collins,  531-2. 

A  TALE   OF    BRISTOL    CITY  91 

profitable  years,  but  furnished  no  accounts  of  his  factorship. 
'  And  now,  so  please  your  Lordship,  your  Orator  having 
buried  the  said  Margaret  his  late  wife,  and  the  issue  he  had  by 
her,  and  being  willing  to  be  discharged  and  live  apart  from  the 
said  John  Clarke  and  intending  another  marriage,  which  hath 
since  taken  effect '  hath  often  '  in  a  friendly  manner  '  requested 
the  said  John  and  'Samuel  Clarke  to  give  an  account  of  their 
management  and  all  *  writings  and  papers '  belonging  to  your 
Orator.  This  they  refuse  and  allege  your  Orator  is  indebted 
to  them  '  for  the  keeping  of  horses,  dogs  and  such  other  frivo- 
lous items '  whereas  they  know  the  contrary  and  have  lived 
upon  your  Orator  and  his  estate.  John  Clarke  also  caused 
your  Orator  to  be  imprisoned  in  Bristol  and  refused  to  release 
him  till  he  had  signed  and  acknowledged  several  accounts,  and 
threatens  him  with  further  actions  at  law  to  prevent  his  voyaging 
to  Nevis  and  hath  sent  Samuel  there  again  to  see  what  he  can 
get  for  the  "  confederates."  The  prayer  of  your  Orator  is  that 
they  may  be  restrained  and  forced  by  Injunction  out  of  this 
Court  to  give  a  full  account  and  return  all  writings  and 

The  answer  of  the  *  confederates '  headed  by  John  Clarke 
is  unfortunately  missing  ;  he  however  enjoys  the  privilege  of 
a  '  further  answer '  after  the  evidence  of  various  witnesses 
has  been  taken  by  Commission  at  Bristol.  These  depositions1 
were  taken  on  the  i8th  April  following  the  petition  and  the 
witnesses  on  behalf  of  the  Complainant  may  be  heard  first. 

Daniel  Pym,  aged  about  forty-nine.  His  brother,  Lieut- 
Col.  Pym  (military  tides  flourish  with  tropical  profusion  in  the 
West  Indies)  of  Nevis,  who  was  one  of  Complainant's  guardians, 
had  told  him  that  Thomas'  estate  there  was  worth  about  £400 
a  year  of  English  money.  Thomas  himself  first  came  to  Eng- 
land about  twelve  years  since,  and  '  might  then  be  about  five 
or  six  years  of  age."  In  November,  1678,  he  first  came  to  live 
at  this  Deponent's  house,  c  who  took  as  much  care  of  him  as  to 
his  tabling  and  education  as  he  did  of  his  own  children.'  He 
was  about  eleven  years  old  when  he  came,  and  two  years  after 
he  was  married  to  Margaret  Clarke,  '  being  trepanned  and 
taken  from  School  for  that  purpose  as  this  Deponent  verily 
believes.'  And  the  way  it  happened  was  thus  :  Deponent 
c  sent  him  to  schoole  to  one  Mr.  Owen  a  schoolmaster  in 

1  Chan.  Depns.  before  1714;  45,  n. 


Bristol  in  the  morning  betimes  and  about  eleven  of  the  clock 
the  same  morning  he  was  inveigled  away  from  school  by  one 
Mrs.  Little,'  sister  to  Mrs.  Clarke,  and  was  carried  out  of 
town  by  John  Clarke  to  North  Stoke  to  be  married  to  Mar- 
garet. Deponent  and  a  friend  rode  after  them  hoping  to  pre- 
vent the  marriage,  but  on  nearing  North  Stoke  were  met  by 
his  ward  returning  alone.  Complainant  then  told  him  that 
Clarke  had  sent  for  him  from  school  on  pretence  of  riding  into 
the  country  and  they  had  met  Margaret  at  the  minister's  house 
in  North  Stoke.  Clarke  had  come  provided  with  a  blank 
licence  and  a  ring  and  c  had  desired  the  minister  to  make  all 
the  haste  he  could  to  marry  him  and  to  fill  up  the  licence 
afterward,'  having  learnt  that  a  country  woman  who  knew 
them  had  gone  into  Bristol  to  warn  the  guardian.  c  After  the 
marriage  Defendant  had  given  him  twelve  shillings  and  six- 
pence and  bidd  him  give  ten  shillings  to  the  minister  and  half 
a  crown  to  the  clarke  and  promised  to  buy  him  a  little  Gunn 
a  watch  and  a  little  horse  to  take  his  pleasure  withal,  and  that 
he  should  go  no  more  to  school.'  He  declared  he  knew  not 
what  marriage  meant  ;  he  did  not  love  his  wife  or  know  what 
love  was,  but  acted  in  childish  ignorance.  They  returned 
together  to  North  Stoke  and  met  the  defendant  and  the  bride, 
when  Thomas  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with  them  and 
returned  with  Deponent  to  Bristol. 

The  bridegroom  was  then  sent  to  school  in  Gloucestershire 
about  fourteen  miles  from  Bristol,  where  he  stayed  for  three 
months  or  so,  when  Defendant  '  with  three  or  four  horsemen 
fetched  him  away  by  force  and  took  him  home  to  Bristol  by 
night '  to  his  wife.  Next  he  was  sent  to  school  in  Somerset 
(with  his  wife)  and  was  there  when  Margaret  Harvey  died. 
The  general  report  and  talk  in  Bristol  was  that  '  the  Defendant 
had  seduced  and  drawn  the  Complainant  (to  the  marriage)  and 
it  was  a  very  base  and  wicked  action  of  the  Defendant.' 
Complainant  had  since  been  arrested  for  debt  although  '  he 
was  then  very  young  and  ignorant  of  business  and  could 
hardly  write  his  name  legibly,  and  in  this  Deponent's  judge- 
ment was  not  capable  of  understanding  accounts  or  any  papers 
or  writings  of  that  nature.' 

The  schoolmaster,  who  described  himself  as  James  Owen 
of  Bristol,  gentleman,  aged  about  forty-five,  deposed  :  Thomas 
Harvey  was  aged  about  fourteen  when  some  six  years  ago  Mr. 
Pym  brought  him  to  his  school.  On  the  day  of  the  marriage 

A  TALE   OF    BRISTOL    CITY  93 

Complainant  came  to  school  about  eight  in  the  morning  and 
about  nine  Mrs.  Little  came  and  asked  that  he  might  be 
allowed  to  go  with  her  nephew  Charles  Clarke  to  Horfield 
c  to  see  a  child  at  nurse.'  At  eleven  a  servant  of  Mr.  Pym's 
came  and  enquired  for  him.  At  that  time  complainant  was  a 
mere  child  and  of  little  understanding,  and  in  common  report 
'  Mr.  Clarke  was  to  be  blamed  in  that  matter  and  it  was  very 
idly  done  of  him  to  marry  his  daughter  with  such  a  child.' 

Thomas  Woodward  of  Bristol,  victualler,  aged  about  forty- 
six.  Complainant  inherited  at  the  death  of  his  father  Bartho- 
lomew Harvey  plantations  in  Nevis  '  reputed  to  be  worth 
40,000  Ibs.  weight  of  sugar  by  the  year  clear  of  all  reprises  and 
are  so  worth  in  this  Deponent's  judgement  he  having  been  in 
Nevis.'  Thomas  Harvey  came  to  England  about  ten  years 
ago,  and  some  years  after  lived  for  some  months  at  Mr.  Pym's 
in  Bristol,  and  was  '  as  carefully  and  respectively  educated  at 
the  said  Mr.  Pym's  as  any  of  his  own  children.'  On  the  day 
of  the  marriage  Mr.  Pym  hearing  of  the  journey  to  North 
Stoke  and  its  object  '  was  in  a  great  rage  that  the  Complainant 
should  be  so  trepanned  out  of  his  custody  and  tuition  and 
thereupon  with  some  friend  of  his  immediately  took  horse 
and  rode  out  of  town  after  them,  intending  to  prevent  the 
marriage.'  '  In  this  Deponent's  hearing  Mr.  Pym  asked  the 
Complainant  whether  he  would  go  home  with  him  or  to  his 
father-in-law's.  The  Complainant  thereupon  called  John 
Clarke  old  knave  or  to  that  effect  and  refused  to  go  to  the 
said  Defendant's  house,  but  declared  he  would  go  home  with 
the  said  Mr.  Pym,  and  accordingly  went  with  him.  Com- 
plainant had  often  complained  of  Defendant's  ill  usage  towards 
him  and  that  he  was  drawn  in  and  inveigled  to  marry  his 
daughter  and  that  he  knew  not  what  he  did  when  he  was 
married  and  often  repented  thereof.' 

After  the  marriage  for  about  two  years  Harvey's  estate  was 
managed  by  the  Defendant,  who  received  all  profits,  and  Samuel 
Clarke  after  going  to  Nevis  sent  his  father  several  parcels  of 

About  two  years  ago  Complainant  came  to  him  to  '  put  up  ' 
£75  for  him,  saying  that  if  Clarke  got  hold  of  the  money  he 
would  never  see  a  farthing  of  it.  Deponent  refused  to  take  the 
money  but  allowed  him  to  lock  himself  in  another  room. 
Presently  after  Samuel  Clarke  came  and  enquired  for  Com- 
plainant, and  was  shown  the  door  of  the  room  he  was  in.  On 



Samuel's  declaring  '  with  many  oaths  and  protestations  that 
neither  he  nor  his  father  would  meddle  with  the  said  money 
Complainant  opened  the  door.'  Some  time  after  Defendant 
himself  came  into  the  room,  and  after  much  disputing  and 
struggling  with  the  Complainant  took  the  bag  of  money  from 
him  by  force  and  carried  it  away. 

About  eighteen  months  ago  a  writ  was  obtained  against 
the  Complainant  to  prevent  him  leaving  the  kingdom,  and 
report  was  that  it  was  obtained  by  Defendant  to  prevent  him 
going  to  Nevis. 

Samuel  Clarke  soon  after  went  to  Nevis  and,  he  had  heard, 
was  under  restraint  there  not  to  leave  the  island  till  he  had 
given  an  account  of  his  former  management.  '  He  has  never 
heard  that  Complainant  did  abscond  or  hide  for  debt,  and  he 
did  always  and  yet  doth  live  in  good  reputation.' 

Sir  John  Knight  of  Bristol,  knight,  aged  about  forty,  and 
John  Jones,  of  the  same,  merchant,  about  forty-six,  are  witnesses 
as  to  the  age  of  the  youthful  husband.  The  former  was  at  the 
house  of  Bartholomew  Harvey  in  Nevis  in  December  1665, 
when  he  understood  a  son  had  been  lately  born  to  his  host, 
and  again  in  1677  being  in  Nevis  and  in  company  with  the 
Governor  and  other  gentlemen  he  heard  that  Captain  Harvey's 
son  was  in  England  and  was  the  only  child  living  when  Captain 
Harvey  died,  his  wife  having  died  in  childbed. 

Mr.  Jones  was  at  Nevis  in  1 673  as  master  of  a  Bristol  ship  ; 
Captain  Harvey  died  possessed  of  a  plantation  reputed  to  be 
worth  £200  a  year  ;  he  left  as  guardians  to  his  son,  Mr.  Wood- 
ward and  Mr.  Whitney  (both  since  deceased)  and  Mr.  Pym. 
Deponent  was  desired  to  bring  Mr.  Woodward  and  the 
orphan  to  England,  and  they  arrived  in  Bristol  in  June,  1673. 
Complainant  was  then  a  little  boy  not  above  the  age  of  seven 
or  eight. 

There  remains  one  other  important  witness  for  the  Com- 
plainant :  Nathaniel  Driver  of  Bristol,  esquire,  aged  about 
forty-five.  When  Deponent  was  Sheriff  of  Bristol  in  1683, 
Thomas  Harvey  had  been  committed  to  Newgate  on  the  suit 
of  John  Clarke.  Moved  by  common  report  that  Clarke  had 
no  just  cause  Deponent  took  Complainant  out  of  prison  into 
his  own  house  for  five  or  six  weeks  ;  he  was  not  then  above 
seventeen  years  of  age  and  quite  incapable  of  understanding 

The  principal  and  most  interesting  witness  for  the  Defendant 

A  TALE    OF    BRISTOL   CITY  95 

John  Clarke  is  his  son  Charles,  described  as  of  Bristol,  mariner, 
aged  about  twenty-one.  His  story  is  :  '  The  Complainant  did 
earnestly  court  his  sister  Margaret  in  her  life  time  in  the  way 
of  marriage  and  did  entreat  this  Deponent  to  bring  him 
acquainted  with  her  and  promised  him  a  reward  in  case  he 
should  marry  with  her  and  told  this  Deponent,  if  it  pleased 
God  he  should  be  married  to  her,  he  (this  Deponent)  should  go 
with  him  to  Nevis  and  live  with  him  upon  his  estate.'  The 
acquaintance  seems  to  have  been  made  and  'Complainant  did 
often  in  this  Deponents  hearing  entreat  her  earnestly  to  marry 
with  him  and  his  zeal  was  such  in  the  prosecution  of  his  suit 
that  he  did  several  times  make  his  escape  through  Mr.  Pym's 
gutter  window  to  get  into  his  father's  house  and  to  come  into 
Margaret's  company  to  court  her.'  Deponent  then  went  on 
to  tell  how  they  applied  to  Mr.  Bradford  of  North  Stoke  for 
a  licence  on  17  August,  1680,  and  were  refused,  but  that  Mr. 
Bradford  gave  them  a  letter  for  his  father,  the  Defendant.  On 
reading  this  letter  Clarke  asked  Complainant '  how  long  he  had 
been  in  love  with  his  daughter.  Complainant  answered  ever 
since  before  Christmas.  What  reason  had  he  to  have  a  love 
for  his  daughter  more  than  anybody  else  ? '  *  He  had  the 
more  kindness  for  his  daughter  for  that  he  hoped  the  Defendant 
would  stand  his  friend  and  be  the  more  careful  in  looking  after 
his  estate  that  he  might  not  be  wronged  as  he  was  told  he  had 
been  by  Mr.  Daniel  Pym  and  his  brother.'  The  next  morning 
'  at  eight  o'clock  Complainant  came  and  met  Defendant  at  the 
White  Horse  Inn  without  Lawfords  Gate  where  this  Depon- 
ent saw  them  riding  away  together.'  He  heard  his  father  say 
to  Complainant  '  he  heard  he  had  a  pretty  estate  and  it  may 
be  expected  he  would  give  his  daughter  a  portion  suitable  but 
he  could  not  for  he  had  several  children  to  provide  for.' 
Complainant  replied,  '  I  expect  none  but  desire  you  will  be  my 
friend  to  assist  me  to  look  carefully  after  my  estate  in  Nevis.' 
About  four  months  after  the  marriage,  on  the  very  night  that 
Defendant  fetched  him  home  to  his  wife,  Complainant  told  this 
Deponent,  that  as  he  was  coming  home  on  his  marriage  day  to 
Bristol,  Mr.  Pym  c  met  him  and  whipped  him  with  his  horse 
whip  telling  him  that  if  he  would  not  go  back  again  to  the 
minister  and  say  the  words  back  again  which  he  said  to  the 
minister  about  his  marriage  he  would  stab  him  or  kill  him  and 
leave  him  in  a  ditch  where  nobody  should  know  what  was 
become  of  him.' 


The  Defendants  did  always  carry  themselves  very  lovingly 
and  kindly  to  the  Complainant  who  would  frequently  remark 
'  the  Defendants  were  the  best  friends  he  had  in  the  world.' 
Samuel  Clarke  gave  up  a  post  in  the  Search-Office  of  Bristol 
Custom  House  worth  £50  a  year  to  go  to  Nevis,  and  to  fit 
him  for  the  voyage  his  father  borrowed  £40,  and  at  Nevis 
1  Samuel  did  take  all  the  imaginable  care  to  settle  (the  estate) 
and  hath  gone  through  abundance  of  trouble  about  it  having 
been  arrested  seven  times  in  one  day  as  this  Deponent  hath 
been  informed.' 

Complainant  was  not  a  nice  brother-in-law,  and  was  '  much 
addicted  to  gaming  and  to  take  idle  courses  and  keep  idle 
company  and  hath  spent  a  great  deal  of  money  in  drinking 
and  gaming  sometimes  to  the  value  of  twenty  shillings  at  a 
time  and  sometimes  would  play  for  his  clothes  off  his  back,' 
and  Defendants  were  always  ready  with  good  advice. 

William  Hill  of  North  Stoke,  weaver,  aged  about  forty- 
eight,  was  present  at  the  marriage  in  North  Stoke  Church  of 
'  one  Thomas  Harvey  to  Margaret  Clarke  by  Mr.  George 
Bradford,  the  minister  there'  on  18  August,  1680.  Besides 
Deponent  Mr.  John  Franckham  and  John  Clarke  were  present. 
Mary  Kite,  aged  about  fifty-four,  widow  of  William  Kite 
of  Swinford  in  Bitton,  co.  Gloucester.  Complainant  came 
with  Charles  Clarke  to  her  house  at  Swynford  on  Monday, 
17  August,  1680,  Margaret  Clarke  being  already  there,  having 
come  the  day  before.  They  all  went  to  the  minister's  house, 
but  Mr.  Bradford  refused  to  give  them  a  licence,  and  so  com- 
plainant rode  away  to  Bristol  and  returned  next  day. 

John  Francom  of  Swinford,  clothworker,  aged  about  seventy- 
five,  also  went  on  17  August  to  help  ask  for  a  licence.  In  reply 
to  Mr.  Bradford's  questions  Complainant  said  he  was  about 
fifteen  years  of  age,  but  had  no  parents  or  relations. 

The  next  Deponent  is  William  Radford  of  Marksbury,  co. 
Somerset,  clerk,  aged  about  thirty-six.  '  Defendants  did 
carry  themselves  very  lovingly  and  kindly  to  the  Complainant 
after  his  intermarriage  and  provide  for  him  all  things  neces- 
sary both  for  meate,  drinke  and  apparell  fit  for  any  person 
whatsoever  of  his  quality,  and  did  place  him  to  this  Deponent 
to  be  taught  the  Latin  tongue,  writing  and  arithmetic.'  He 
never  heard  him  complain  in  the  least  of  the  want  of  anything 
and  (this  Deponent)  '  did  use  his  utmost  endeavour  to  instruct 
him  and  induce  him  to  learn  by  fair  persuasion  without  using 


any  rigour  or  violence  towards  him  because  he  was  married.' 
So  sensible  was  Complainant  of  all  this  kindness  that  '  he  de- 
sired this  Deponent  to  indite  a  letter  of  thanks  for  him  to  the 
Defendants,  which  this  Deponent  did  and  Complainant  after- 
wards transcribed  the  same  with  his  own  hand  and  sent  it  to 
the  Defendants  and  the  letter  now  produced  is  the  same ' 
(there  is,  alas  !  no  copy  of  this  original  composition).  He 
agreed  to  take  Complainant  and  his  wife  for  £24  a  year  for 
board  and  schooling,  and  received  £18  for  three-quarters  of  a 

Mary  Peacocke,  who  had  reached  the  age  of  sixteen  in 
John  Clarke's  house  without  marrying,  describes  Thomas' 
later  relations  with  his  father-in-law.  Defendants  did  all  along 
carry  themselves  lovingly  and  friendly  to  Deponent,  '  few 
merchants'  sons  in  Bristol  went  better  than  he  did.'  '  On 
Monday  morning  Defendant  paid  Complainant  five  shillings, 
commonly  on  Tuesdays  or  Wednesdays  following  he  wanted 
more  money  and  had  it  and  so  continued  craving  for  more 
every  week  and  was  supplied  with  it.'  Once  on  his  mother- 
in-law,  Alice  Clarke,  remonstrating,  he  replied,  '  What  is  it  to 
you  if  I  spend  a  hundred  pounds  a  year,  you  can  but  be  paid 
and  if  you  will  have  any  interest  for  it  you  shall  and  the  rest 
will  be  left  for  me  for  I  have  no  body  to  take  care  of  but  my- 
self (his  wife  being  dead). ' 

The  other  witnesses  deal  with  the  business  relations  be- 
tween John  Clarke  and  his  youthful  son-in-law.  John  Horton  of 
Bristol,igentleman,  forty-nine  years  of  age  (who  acted  as  attorney 
for  Clarke)  described  how  when  Complainant  was  arrested  Clarke 
had  become  bail  for  him.  Mr.  Clarke's  account  of  26  Novem- 
ber, 1683,  showing  £100  3-f.  6%d.  due  to  him  from  Thomas 
Harvey,  was  acknowledged  by  Complainant  (then  in  prison) 
to  be  true  ;  indeed  '  he  did  spontaneously  and  with  much 
freedom  and  seeming  satisfaction  approve  of  and  consent  to 
the  same.' 

In  spite  of  this  marked  approval  the  bill  was  not  paid, 
and  this  Deponent  was  instructed  by  John  Clarke  to  take 
action  in  the  Bristol  Courts,  when  by  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus 
the  case  was  removed  to  the  Court  of  King's  Bench. 

William  Prichard  of  Bristol,  gentleman,  had  also  been 
retained  by  Clarke  to  proceed  against  the  Complainant. 
Deponent  knew  Margaret  Harvey,  and  she  died  in  1682. 
Defendants  were  always  very  loving  and  kind  to  Complainant, 


and  the  latter  had  endeavoured  '  to  go  privately  beyond  sea 
and  by  that  means  avoid  payment.' 

Francis  Little  of  Bristol,  goldsmith,  aged  about  thirty- 
three  (was  he  the  husband  of  Mrs.  Clarke's  sister  ?)  deposes 
that  at  the  end  of  April  or  beginning  of  May,  1683,  Com- 
plainant came  to  his  house  and  showed  him  the  account  of 
money  due  from  him  to  John  Clarke,  only  objecting  to  an 
item  of  £8  odd  ;  and  afterwards  meeting  him  in  the  street 
found  him  quite  satisfied  on  that  item  also. 

The  Further  Answer,1  dated  5  July,  1685,  of  John  Clarke 
may  be  taken  as  a  summary  of  points  in  his  favour. 

He  never  knew  what  estate  Complainant  was  possessed  of 
when  he  came  from  Nevis,  and  he  first  became  acquainted 
with  him  on  17  August,  1680,  when  (Complainant)  'being 
desirous  to  marry  this  Defendant's  daughter  he  did  present  to 
this  Defendant  that  he  had  an  estate  in  Nevis  to  the  value  of 
£200  yearly.'  He  had  received  for  Harvey  only  the  goods 
set  down  in  the  account.  Samuel  went  to  Nevis  for  the  sake 
of  relationship  alone,  Complainant  being  most  anxious  for  him 
to  go,  and  he  had  to  give  up  a  most  advantageous  preferment 
with  a  merchant  in  Bristol.  As  regards  papers  he  has  none 
except  a  will  of  the  Complainant's  since  revoked  and  that 
Samuel  has.  In  conclusion  he  begs  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  Court  (and  Posterity)  to  the  account  annexed. 

The  famous  account  is  very  long  and  very  detailed,  and  is 
headed  '  Mr.  Thomas  Harvey  Accompt  Debtor  since  the  i4th 
February  as  followeth  1680,'  and  extends  from  the  said 
St.  Valentine's  day,  i68f,  when  the  Harveys  began  their 
married  life  together,  to  29  October,  1683,  when  it  is  to  be 
presumed  that  Thomas  was  taken  to  prison.  Unfortunately, 
though  Mr.  Clarke  has  carefully  recorded  every  penny  spent 
and  provided  against  a  treacherous  memory  by  an  extra  ^40, 
yet  he  has  given  no  dates.  The  most  common  items  recorded 
are  'to  you  in  money  U.,  to  you  more  is.'  (seldom  as  much 
as  the  55.  detected  on  Mondays  by  Mary  Peacocke's  sharp 
eyes).  A  few  other  items  taken  at  random  are,  'A  pair  of 
Boots  and  spurs  at  the  seacond  hand  55.  6*/.,'  '  an  inke  home 
5</.,'  'a  knife  8^.,'  '  to  a  viall  inn  i/.,  'to  a  woman  doctris  for 
fissicke  for  you  5^.,'  'to  the  Heyer  of  A  horse  is.  8^/.,'  '  to 
Birdlime  4^.,'  '  to  a  fann  3.?.,'  '  to  2  bottls  of  whight  win  and 

1  Chan.  Proc.  before  1741  :  Collins,  281. 


one  claret  2j.,'  '  to  oysters  4^.,'  '  to  a  liver  for  his  dogg  2</.' 
Very  little  money  seems  to  have  been  spent  on  poor  Margaret 
till  the  detailed  expenses  of  burying  her  and  her  child  are 
reached.  The  largest  items  are  £4.0  for  Samuel's  outfit  for 
Nevis  and  the  £40  make-weight  referred  to  above,  and  the 
total  is  £320  5.?.  6%d.  Against  this  is  set  off  by  sugar, 
£220  2s.y  and  we  take  our  leave  of  Mr.  John  Clarke  hunger- 
ing for  the  balance,  £100  35.  d\d. 




IN  the  name  of  God  amen.  The  sixe  and  twentieth  daie  of 
Julie  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  God  one  thowsand  five  hun- 
dred foure  score  and  eleaven1  and  in  the  three  and  thirtieth 
yeare  of  the  raigne  of  our  Soveraigne  Ladie  Elizabeth  by  the 
grace  of  God  Queene  of  England  Fraunce  and  Ireland  defender 
of  the  faithe  &c.  I  Robert  Earle  of  Essex  and  Ewe  Viscount 
Hereford  and  Bourgcher  Lord  Ferrers  of  Chartleigh,  Lord 
Bourgcher  and  Lovayne  Knight  of  the  most  noble  order  of 
the  garter  Master  of  her  Majesties  horse  and  Captaine  generale 
&  Conductor  generall  of  her  Majesties  forces  and  armye  as 
well  horsemen  as  footmen  nowe  to  be  sent  into  the  Realme  of 
Fraunce  and  of  all  her  Majesties  forces  in  Normandy  and  else- 
where under  the  leadinge  of  Sr  Roger  Williams  Knight  for  the 
assistance  of  the  most  Christian  Kinge  Henry  the  fourthe 
Kinge  of  the  French  &  of  Navarr  Remembring  that  in  the 
daungerous  enterprises  and  exploites  of  warrs  the  tyme  &  howre 
of  deathe  is  ordinarilie  subiect  to  many  extraordinarie  kindes 
of  hazardes  at  the  will  of  Almightie  God  to  call  such  as  him 
pleaseth  to  his  favourable  mercye  out  of  this  transitorie  life 
being  in  good  and  perfect  healthe  (thanckes  therefore  to  Al- 
mightie God)  doe  ordaine  and  make  my  testament  and  last  will 
in  manner  and  forme  followinge  First  I  commend  and  bequeathe 
my  soule  to  God  and  my  bodie  to  be  buried  without  more 
ceremonie  or  charge  then  Christian  duetie  shall  require  And  for 
recompence  and  due  satisfaction  to  be  made  to  all  &  singuler 
persons  whome  I  have  in  my  life  tyme  trespassed  injuriouslie 
hindered  or  endammaged.  My  minde  and  will  is  that  everie 
person  and  persons  against  whome  I  have  done  or  committed 
any  trespasse  iniurious  hinderaunce  or  damage  upon  due  proofe 
thereof  produced  before  my  welbeloved  freindes  Sr  Christo- 
fer  Hatton  Knight  of  the  most  noble  order  of  the  gartier  Lord 
Chauncellor  of  England  William  Lord  Burleigh  Knight  of  the 
saide  order  Lord  highe  Threasurer  of  England  and  Master  of 

1  Robert  second  Earl  ol  Essex,  Queen  Elizabeth's  favourite,  was  beheaded 
on  Tower  Hill  25  February,  1601.  It  will  be  observed  that  this  unlucky 
will  remained  unproved  until  17  June,  1616. 


her  Majesties  Courte  of  Wardes  and  liveries  Henry  Earle  of 
Huntington  Lord  Hastings  Hungerford  Botreux  Molynes  and 
Moiles  Knighte  of  the  saide  order  lord  President  of  her 
Majesties  Counsell  established  in  the  Northe  parte,  Charles 
Lord  Howard  of  Effingham  knight  of  the  saide  order  Lord 
Admirall  of  England,  Henry  Baron  of  Hunsdon,  Knight  of 
the  saide  order  Lord  Chamberlaine  of  her  Majesties  howsholde 
and  Justice  of  the  Forrests  and  chases  on  thisside  Trent 
Arthure  Lord  Graye,  Robert  Lord  Rich,  Thomas  baron  of 
Buckhurst  knight  of  the  saide  order,  Sr  Frauncis  Knollys  knight 
Threasurer  of  her  Majesties  housholde  Frauncis  Hastings 
Esquire  Walter  Hastings  Esquire  Sr  Gilbert  Gerrard  knight 
Master  of  the  Rolles  Sr  Drue  Drury,  Sr  Robert  Jermyn  Sr  John 
Harrington  Sir  William  Knollys  Sr  Edward  Littleton  Sr  Robert 
Cecill  Knightes  Thomas  Owen  sergeant  at  lawe,  Thomas  Eger- 
ton  Esquire  her  Majesties  sollicitor,  John  Brogrove  attorney  of 
the  Dutchie  of  Lancaster,  Robert  Beale  Esquire  Secretarie  of 
her  Majesties  counsaile  established  in  the  Northe  partes, 
Richard  Bagott  Thomas  Conisbye  Francis  Bacon  Richard 
Broughton  Thomas  Crompton  Edward  Lewknor  William 
Agarde,  John  Stidman  Robert  Wright  and  Gellye  Merricke 
Esquier  and  thexecutor  named  in  this  my  testament  or  any  five 
of  them  shalbe  fullie  satisfied  or  recompensed  accordinge  to 
the  quantitie  of  th'  offence  hindrance  iniurie  wronge  or  damage 
by  me  done  and  respectinge  the  estate  and  habilitie  of  everie 
such  person  to  whome  I  have  used  any  such  dammage  iniurie  and 
wronge  Also  for  and  in  consideracion  that  all  the  legacies  and 
bequests  of  chattells  and  sommes  of  money  mencioned  in  this 
my  last  will  and  testiment  and  the  schedule  thereunto  annexed 
and  also  all  the  debtes  of  mee  the  saide  Earle  maybe  duelie  per- 
formed paide  and  satisfied  accordinge  to  the  purport  and  true 
meaninge  of  this  my  testament  I  will  devise  and  bequeathe  to 
my  saide  welbeloved  freindes  Sr  Christofer  Hatton  Knight 
William  Lord  Burghley  Erie  of  Huntington  Charles  Lord 
Howard  Henry  Baron  of  Hunsdon  Arthure  Lord  Graye 
Robert  Lord  Rich  Thomas  Lord  Buckhurst  Sr  Frauncis  Knollys 
Knight  Frauncis  Hastings  Walter  Hastings  Sr  Gilbert  Gerrard 
Sr  Drue  Drury  Sr  Robert  Jermyn,  Sr  John  Harrington,  Sr 
William  Knollys  Sr  Edward  Littleton  Sr  Robert  Cecill  Thomas 
Owen  Thomas  Egerton  John  Brograve  Robert  Beale  Richard 
Bagott,  Thomas  Conisbie  Frauncis  Bacon  Richard  Broughton 
Thomas  Crompton  Edward  Lewknor  William  Agard  John 


Stidman  Robert  Wright  and  Gellye  Merricke  and  the  survivors 
and  survivor  of  them  all  those  my  lordship  and  manners  of 
Chartleigh  and  Parkes  of  Chartley  wth  th'  appurtenaunces  in 
the  Countie   of  Stafford  And  all  my  landes  tenements  and 
hereditaments  wth  th'  appurtenaunces  whatsoever  in  Weston 
upon  Trent  Gayton  Amberton  alias  Ambrighton  Trodeswall 
Gratewich  Grinley  Dreynton    alias   Dreington  Lee  Huxston 
Heywood  the  great  Heywood  the  lesse  and  Newe  Castle  under 
Lyme  and  elsewhere  in  the  Countie  of  Staff.  And  all  those  my 
Lordshipps  and  manners  of  Webley  and  Byford  wth  th'  appur- 
tenaunces in  the  Countie  of  Hereford  And  all  my  landes  tene- 
ments and  hereditaments  in  Webley  Bynford  Kingstone  Hide- 
feildes  Pewen  and  the  Cittie  of  Hereford  And  all  other  tene- 
ments knightes  fees  and  hereditaments  to  the  said  Lordshippes 
and  manners  or  either  of  them  belonginge  or  apperteyninge  or 
accepted  or  reputed  as  part  parcell  or  member  thereof  And  all 
those  my  Lord  shipps  Seigniories  and  Manners  of  Lantesey 
alias  Lantisey  Monckton  and  the  Priorie   of  Monckton  and 
Talbennyand  thadvowson  of  the  Churche  of  Talbenny  And  all 
that  my  parte  and  propertie  of  the  Lorshipps  and  manners  of 
Hodgeston  alias  Hodgerston  and  Langome  And  of  thadvow- 
sons  of  the  Churches  of  Hodgeston  alias  Hodgerston  and  Lan- 
gome and  the  park  of  Lantfey  alias  Lantesey  with  th'  appurten- 
ances in  the  Countye  of  Pimbrooke  And  all  and  singuler  the 
landes  tenements  knightes  fees  advowsons  tithes  oblacions  ob- 
vencions  hereditaments  liberties  franchesies,  leetes  viewes  of 
Franke  pledge  wrekes  of  the  sea,  waifes,  estrayes,  preheminences 
and  emoluments  whatsoever  of  me  the  saide  Erie  in  the  townes 
villages  hamletts  parrishes  and  territories  of  Lantefey  alias  Lan- 
tesey Hodgston  alias  Hodgerston  Estportclue  and  Westport- 
clue  Stonehall  in  Dewyland,  Llisfrane  Walterton  Raymercastle 
Bartholwy  Hillefeild  Guilford  Donaston  Wolsdale,  Loweferas- 
thorpe,    Westfeild   Williamston,  Houghton    Moore    Lanyon 
Westlangome  Westhoke  and  Easthoke   Bradmore  Talbenny 
and   Howlieston   Lambston   Mounkton    Pembrooke  Nangle 
Hundleton  Maylardston  Haroldston  Saint  Tonnells  Saint  Pat- 
rocke    Stackpoll    Borsieston    Castellton    Orielton    Bangeston 
Lamell  and  Pennarth  and  Elsewhere  in  the  Countie  of  Pem- 
brooke which  were  in  the  inheritaunce  of  Walter  Earle  of  Essex 
deceased  my  Father  And  all  that  my  Lordshipp  and  mannor 
of  Wanstede   wth   thappurtenances  in  the  Countie  of  Essex 
And  all   my  lands   tenements  parkes   free    warrens  liberties 


commodities  franchesies  and  hereditaments  whatsoever  in  the 
Countie  of  Essex  wth  their  appurtenaunces,  to  thentent  and 
purpose  that  they  and  the  survivors  of  them  and  th'executors 
of  the  survivor  of  them  shall  imploye  and  bestowe  the  rents 
issues  revenewes  and  emoluments  of  the  said  Lorshipps 
Manners  landes  tenements  and  hereditaments  before  by 
these  presentes  devised  to  and  for  the  payment  satisfaction 
and  performaunce  of  all  my  legacies  and  bequestes  of  money, 
chattells  and  annuyties  mencioned  in  this  my  testament  & 
the  schedule  thereunto  annexed  And  of  all  and  singuler  the 
debtes  of  me  the  said  Earle  of  Essex  accordinge  to  the  tenor 
forme  effect  and  true  meaninge  of  this  my  testament  And  for 
the  competent  and  necessarie  charges  in  lawe  and  otherwise 
for  the  defence  and  maintenaunces  of  the  possession  and  title 
of  all  and  singuler  the  premisses  and  everie  or  anie  part  thereof 
And  for  the  reparacions  and  defence  of  the  buildings  edifices 
howses  and  necessaries  competent  to  be  disbursed  and  expended 
untill  such  tyme  as  the  said  legacies  bequests  and  debtes  of  me 
the  saide  Earle  shall  be  performed,  and  untill  some  heire  of  me 
the  saide  Earle  of  Essex  shall  have  accomplished  the  full  age  of 
twentie  and  twoe  yeares,  and  after  my  saide  legacies  debtes  and 
bequests  soe  paied  satisfied  and  performed  and  for  the  sur- 
plusage that  shall  surmounte  the  saide  debtes  legacies  and 
annuities  to  the  use  and  profitt  of  the  then  heire  of  me  the 
said  Earle  of  Essex  and  of  the  heires  of  the  same  heire  untill 
some  one  heire  of  me  the  said  Earle  shall  have  accomplished 
th'  age  of  twentie  and  twoe  yeares  And  I  will  devise  and  be- 
queathe  that  after  all  and  singuler  the  legacies  and  bequests 
and  debtes  of  me  the  saide  Earle  mencioned  in  this  my  tes-  . 
tament  and  the  schedule  thereunto  annexed  shalbe  satisfied 
and  performed  And  after  that  some  heire  of  me  the  said 
Earle  shall  have  accomplished  the  full  age  of  twentie  and 
twoe  yeares  All  and  singuler  the  saide  Lordshipps  manners 
landes  tenements  and  other  the  premisses  whatsoever  with 
theire  appurtenaunces  shall  remaine  accrue  and  come  to  Robert 
Lord  Hereford  my  son  and  heire  apparante  and  the  heires 
males  of  his  bodie  lawfullie  begotten  And  for  defaulte  of 
such  heires  shall  remaine  and  come  to  the  heires  males  of 
my  bodie  lawfullie  begotten  And  for  defaulte  of  such  heires 
shall  remaine  and  come  to  Walter  Devereux,  brother  of  me 
the  saide  Earle  and  the  heires  males  of  his  bodie  lawfullie 
begotten  And  for  defaulte  of  such  heires  shall  remaine  and 


accrue  to  the  heires  of  my  bodie  lawfullie  begotten  And  for 
defaulte  of  such  heirs  shall  remaine  accrue  and  come  to  the 
heires  of  the  bodie  of  my  saide  Father  lawfullie  begotten  and 
for    defalt    of   such    heires  shall  remaine  and  come    to    the 
right  heires  of  me  the  saide  Erie  of  Essex  for  ever  and  more- 
over for  And  in  consideracion  of  a  good  perfect  and  certaine 
estate  to  be  conveyed  assured  and  assigned  to  my  right  wel- 
beloved  wife  the  Ladie  Frauncis  Countesse  of  Essex  for  terme 
of  her  naturall  life  for  and  in  the  name  of  her  joyncture  and  in 
liew  and  full  recompence  of  the  dower  and  title  of  dower  of 
and  in  all  and  singuler  my  honors  castells  lordshipps  manners 
landes  tenements  and  hereditamentes  with  th'  appurtenaunces 
to  her  accrueing  by  and  after  my  decease  I  the  saide  Earle  of 
Essex  doe  will  devise  and  bequeath  by  this  my  present  testa- 
ment to  my  saide  wife  all  those  my  Lordshippes  and  manners 
of  Bicknor  Teinton  and  Dymock  wth  th'  appurtenaunces  in  the 
Countie  of  Gloucester  and  of  and  in  all  that  the  Monastery 
Lordshipp  Manner  and  capitall  messuage  of  Meryvale  in  the 
Counties  of  Warwicke  and  Leicester  and  all  the  scite  precinct 
ambite  and  circuite  of  the  said  late  dissolved  Monasterie  of 
Meryvale  and  all  that  parke  and  ympaled  groundes  with  deare 
therein  called  Meryvale  Parke     And  all  those  granges  called 
Newhowse  grange  and  Pynwall  grange  wth  th'  appurtenaunces 
and  all  messuages  howses  buildinges  edifices  toftes  curtilages 
mylles  gardens  orchardes  fishe  pondes  and  groundes  covered 
with  water  landes  meadowes  pastures  leasowes  pastures  feed- 
ings  woodes   and  wood  groundes   rents  revercions    services 
moores  heathes  firses  wast  groundes  piscaryes  commons  leetes 
viewes   of  Frankepledge   waifes  estraies  liberties   franchesies 
priviledges  commodities  and  emoluments  whatsoever  of  me 
the    saide  Erie  in  Meryvale  Atherston  Mancester  Hartshull 
Whittington  Baxterley  Bentley  Wilmcote  Newhouse  Punwale 
and  ellswhere  in  the  counties  of  Warwick  and  Leicester  parcell 
of  the  possessions  of  the  said  late  dissolved  monasterie   of 
Meryvale     And  alsoe  all  that  Lord  shipp  Seignorie  and  manner 
of  Llanthomas  alias  Saint  Thomas  Churche  with  th'  appurten- 
aunces in  the  countie  of  Brecknock^  and  all  landes  tenements 
liberties  courtes  leetes  viewes  of  Frankepledge  franchesies  waiffes 
estrayes  free  warrens  jurisdictions  preeminences  commodities 
emoluments  and  hereditaments  of  me  the  saide  Earle  of  Essex 
in  the  parrishes  towneshippes  hamletts  and  territories  of  Llan- 
thomas alias  Saint  Thomas  Churche  and  Haye  alias  Gelly  in 


the  said  Countie  of  Brecknocke  To  have  and  to  houlde  to  my 
saide  wife  for  terme  of  her  natural!  life  for  and  in  the  name  of 
the  joyncture  of  my  saide  wife  and  in  full  satisfaction  of  her 
dower  and  title  of  dower  And  after  the  decease  of  my  saide 
wife  and  duringe  the  time  that  Robert  Lord  Hereford  my  said 
sonne  and  heire  apparaunt  or  any  other  beinge  myne  heire  shalbe 
under  the  age  of  twentie  and  twoe  yeares  I  will  and  bequeathe 
that  my  saide  freindes  and  the  survivors  and  survivor  of  them 
and  th'  executors  of  the  survivor  of  them  shall  take  receive 
levie  possesse  use  and  enjoye  the  rents  yssues  profitts  revenues 
commodities  and  emoluments  of  all  and  singuler  the  said  Lord- 
shipps  manners  landes  tenementes  and  hereditaments  before  to 
my  saide  wife  devised  and  the  same  imploye  duringe  such  tyme 
as  some  heire  of  me  the  saide  Earle  of  Essex  shalbe  under  age 
of  twenty  and  twoe  yeares  for  and  towardes  the  performaunce 
payment  and  satisfaction  of  all  my  legacies  and  bequestes  of  money 
and  chattells  mencioned  in  this  my  testament  and  the  schedule 
thereunto  annexed  and  debtes  of  me  the  said  Earle  accordinge 
to  the  purport  and  true  meaninge  of  this  my  testament  and 
for  and  towardes  the  payment  and  satisfaction  of  all  charges  in 
lawe  and  otherwise  necessarie  or  convenient  to  be  disbursed 
and  bestowed  for  and  aboutes  the  maintenaunce  defence  and 
suite  in  lawe  of  and  for  all  and  singuler  the  premisses  everie 
or  anie  part  thereof  and  for  the  reparacions  defence  and  amend- 
ment of  all  and  singuler  the  premisses  and  everie  or  any  part 
thereof  And  after  satisfaction  of  the  said  legacies  debtes  anuy- 
ties  and  charges  and  for  the  surplusages  that  shall  surmounte 
the  same  debtes  legacies  annuities  and  charges  to  thentent  and 
purpose  that  my  said  friends  Sr  Christofer  Hatton  Knight  and 
th'  others  aforenamed  and  the  survivors  and  survivor  of  them 
th'  executors  of  the  survivor  of  them  shall  imploye  and  suffer 
the  profitts  emoluments  yssues  revenues  and  commodities  of 
and  in  the  said  Lordshipps  manners  landes  tenements  and 
hereditaments  and  the  surplusage  thereof  to  remain  and  accrue 
to  the  use  benefitt  and  profitt  of  the  then  heire  and  heires  of 
me  the  saide  Earle  of  Essex  and  after  the  deathe  of  my  said 
wife  and  after  all  and  singuler  my  legacies  to  be  mencioned  in 
this  my  testament  and  schedule  therunto  annexed  and  my 
debtes  shalbe  paid  or  contented  And  after  the  saide  Robert 
Lord  Hereford  my  sonne  or  some  heire  of  me  the  saide  Earle  of 
Essex  shall  have  accomplished  the  full  age  of  twentie  and  twoe 
yeares  I  will  devise  and  bequeathe  that  the  said  Lordshipps 


manners  landes  tenements  and  hereditaments  before  devised 
to  my  said  wife  in  this  my  testament  shall  remaine  and  come 
to  my  said  sonne  Robert  Lord  Hereford  and  the  heires  males 
of  his  bodie  lawfullie  begotten   And  for  defaulte  of  such  heires 
males  the  same  premisses  shall  remaine  and  come  to  the  heires 
males  of  the  bodie  of  me  the  saide  Earle  of  Essex     And  for 
defaulte  of  such  heires  the   same  premisses   shall  remaine  and 
come  to  my  brother  Walter  Devereux  and  the  heires  males  of 
his  bodie  lawfullie  begotten     And  for  defaulte   of  such  heires 
the  same  premisses  shall  remaine  and  come  to  the  heires  of  my 
bodie  lawfullie  begotton     And  for  defaulte  of  such  heires  the 
same  premisses  shall  remaine  and  come  to  the  heires  of  Walter 
Earle  of  Essex  my  father    And  for  defaulte  of  such  heires  shall 
remaine  and  come  to  the  right  heires  of  me  the  saide  Earle  of 
Essex  for  ever    And  furthermore  I  leave  to  discend  and  come 
to  myne  heire  in  course  of  inheritaunce  according  to  the  lawes 
of  this  Realme  the  manners  ofNewington  Clifton  and  Braifield 
wth  th'  appurtenances  in  the  Countie  of  Bucks,  the   manners 
of  Penkelly  andPiperton  with  th'appurtenaunces  in  the  Countie 
of  Brecknock  the  manners  of  Bodenham  Devereux  and  Wood- 
house  wth  the  appurtenaunces  in  the  Countie  of  Hereford  all 
which  premisses  before  lymmitted  to  descend  to  my  heire  are  a 
full  thirde  part  of  all  and  singuler  my  manners  landes  tene- 
mentes  and  hereditaments     And  touchinge  the  disposicion  of 
my  goodes  Jewells  and  houshold  stuffe  I  will  and   bequeathe 
that  my  saide  wife  the  Countesse  of  Essex  shall  have  for  her 
necessarie  use  all  and  singuler  such  Jewells  plate  ymplements 
of  houshold  and  howshold  stuffe  which  my  saide  wife  nowe 
useth  and  possesseth    And  for  the  residoue  of  my  goodes  and 
chattells  I  give  will  and  dispose  the  same  as  shalbe  conteyned 
in  the  schedule  hereunto  annexed     And  for  the  performaunce 
of  this  my  last  will  and  testament  I   make  my  executor  my 
saide  sonne  Robert  Lord  Hereford  my  sonne  and  heire  appa- 
rant  to  whome  I  will  and  bequeathe  all  my  goodes  and  chattells 
other  then  the  legacies  and  bequestes  in  this  my  testament  and 
the  schedule    thereunto    annexed    to    others    devised    which 
schedule  hereunto  annexed  being  subscribed  with   my  owne 
hand  and  my  will  and  minde  is  shalbe  taken  reputed  and  ad- 
judged as  part  and  parcell  of  this  my  testament  and  as  thoughe 
the  same  were  before   in   this   my  testament   expressed   and 
declared.    In  witnes  whereof  I  have  putte  my  scale  yeoven  the 
daie  and  yeare   first  above  written.     R  :    Essex  Signed  and 


sealed  in  the  presence  of  Robert  Beale,  Richard  Broughton, 
R  :  Wright. 

Probatum  fuit  testamentum  suprascriptum  apud  London 
coram  venerabili  viro  Commissario  Johanne  Benet  milite  legum 
doctore  Curie  Prerogative  Cantuariensis  Magistro  Custode 
sive  Commissario  legitime  constituto  decimo  septimo  die  men- 
sis  Junij  Anno  Domini  Millesimo  Sexcentesimo  decimo  sexto 
Juramento  prenobilis  et  honorandi  viri  Roberti  Comitis  Essex 
iilij  naturalis  et  legitimi  dicti  defuncti  et  executoris  in  hujus- 
modi  testamento  nominati  Cui  commissa  fuit  administratio 
omnium  et  singulorum  bonorum  jurium  et  creditorum  dicti 
defuncti  de  bene  et  fideliter  administrando  eadem  ad  sancta 
Dei  Evangelia  vigore  comissionis  jurati.  COPE,  70. 

[The  styles  adopted  in  formal  documents,  and  especially  in  their  wills,  by 
Elizabethan  nobles  are  often  worthy  of  notice  (see  Ancestor,  iv.  8— 1 6).  The 
Earl  of  Essex  here  styles  himself  also  Earl  of  Ewe,  Viscount  Bourchier,  and 
Lord  Bourchier,  the  first  two  of  which  tides  had  become  extinct  so  far  back  as 
1539  on  the  death  of  Robert  Bourchier,  Earl  of  Essex,  whose  sister  and 
eventual  heiress  married  John  Devereux,  Lord  Ferrers  of  Chartley.  The 
earldom  of  Ewe  was  really  the  Norman  countship  of  Eu.  The  style  assumed 
by  him  of  Lord  Lovayne  is  also  of  interest.  His  claim  to  it  was  through  the 
marriage  of  his  ancestor  Sir  William  Bourchier  with  Eleanor  daughter  and 
heir  of  Mathew  de  Lovaine  who  was  summoned  to  Parliament  by  the  doubt- 
ful writ  of  22  Edward  I.  The  same  style  of  Lord  Lovaine  was  allowed  to 
his  descendant  in  the  Patent  creating  the  earldom  of  Leicester  in  1 784, 
though  a  new  barony  of  Lovaine  had  been  bestowed  on  the  Percy  family  only 
four  months  before.  The  barony  of  '  Moiles  '  assigned  by  the  earl  to  Lord 
Huntingdon  is  that  of  Moels  of  which  he  was  only  a  co-heir. — J.  H.  R.] 



THESE  beautiful  illustrations  of  costume  are  borrowed 
from  a  manuscript  now  in  the  British  Museum  (Royal 
MS.  19  B.  xv.).  The  manuscript  is  an  English  one,  the 
apocalypse  of  St.  John  written  in  French  with  pictures  by 
English  hands.1 

Its  date  is  probably  of  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth 
century.  Those  who  compare  with  these  pictures  the  draw- 
ings of  the  Matthew  Paris  MS.  figured  in  vol.  v.  of  the  Ancestor 
will  note  but  slight  change  of  fashion.  The  great  helm  of 
plate  xiii  is  the  most  noteworthy  arrival  amongst  the 
military  novelties.  This  is  the  helm  which  appears  about 
1280  in  its  early  form,  and  it  is  the  helm  so  often  seen  upon 
the  seals  of  this  period,  of  which  many  and  the  finest  examples 
are  given  in  the  series  accompanying  our  article  upon  the 
barons'  letter  to  the  pope.  The  coif  of  mail  and  prick  spurs 
are  still  the  common  wear  of  the  knight,  and  strange  to  re- 
late, military  fashion  in  England  has  gone  backward  in  one 
particular,  if  we  may  trust  these  pictures,  for  the  bainbergs  or 
greaves  shown  upon  the  legs  of  some  knights  of  the  Matthew 
Paris  MS.  have  disappeared  in  this  later  series,  in  which  the 
knee-cop  stands  for  the  only  visible  plate.  The  broad-brimmed 
iron  hat  is  frequent,  but  the  plain  skull-cap  and  the  hood  of 
mail  without  further  covering  are  still  common.  The  mail 
hawberk  is  well  seen  without  the  concealing  coat  in  more  than 
one  place. 

Civil  dress  is  still  very  simple  in  spite  of  the  buttons  and 
partly-coloured  finery  of  plate  xii.  For  this  artist,  gloves  would 
seem  to  be  clerks'  wear.  Many  varieties  of  head-dress  appear, 
a  hat  of  soft  stuff  with  the  edge  turned  over  being  most  fre- 
quent. The  coif  is  worn  by  clerk  and  layman.  Grave  elders 
still  wear  the  long  gown  and  long  cloak  of  the  Matthew  Paris 

1  Plate  ix.  showing  a  coarser  touch,  differs  from  the  delicate  work  of  the 


pictures.  The  necks  of  coats  and  gowns  are  cut  low,  the 
wrists  close,  and  the  upper  arm  of  the  sleeve  is  not  so  loose 
as  in  the  earlier  series.  Women's  dress  begins  to  return  to 
fine  fashions  ;  in  that  of  the  lady  with  the  golden  cup  of 
abominations  we  see  the  beginning  of  the  curious  fashion  of 
the  gown  or  coat  open  at  the  sides. 

O.  B. 



The  crowned  rider  on  the  white  horse  interests  us  mainly 
by  reason  of  the  longbow  in  his  left  hand,  a  bow  of  true 
English  proportions  and  seemingly  as  long  when  unstrung  as 
the  height  of  a  man.  His  short  coat  is  green  and  the  hooded 
cloak  of  three-quarter  length  is  reddish  and  lined,  as  it  seems, 
with  red  and  white  fur.  His  hosen  are  white  with  small  red 
bars  and  he  sits  in  a  green  saddle. 

THK  RIDER  ON  THE  WHITE  HORSE.— Rev.  vi.  2. 



The  rider  upon  the  red  horse  is  armed  with  a  great  sword 
of  hand-and-a-half  or  bastard  character.  As  he  wears  no 
cloak  the  simple  and  loosely-fitting  coat,  hanging  to  the  knee 
and  girdled  with  a  narrow  girdle,  is  clearly  seen.  The  sleeves 
show  little  change  in  a  half-century  save  that  the  great  armhole 
and  consequent  fulness  of  the  upper  sleeve  has  all  but  dis- 
appeared. The  forearm  and  wrist  are  tightly  covered  and  the 
neck  is  low.  Here  the  coat  is  reddish  and  the  hosen  a  dull 
blue.  The  other  figures,  the  angel  excepted,  show  like  coats. 
The  two  striving  with  swords  and  the  swordsman  slitting  the 
throat  of  the  spearman  have  green  coats  and  the  fourth  and 
fifth  white  coats,  the  fifth  with  a  green  cloak  over  it.  One 
wears  a  short  tippet  of  fur.  Their  hosen  are  white  with  black 
shoes,  and  the  hats  are  white  turned  up  with  green. 

TUB  RIDER  ON  THK  RED  HOKSK.— Rev.  vi.  4. 



The  rider  on  the  black  horse  is  armed  with  a  short  javelin 
or  dart.  His  green  coat  is  seen  under  the  cloak  to  be  of  the 
same  character  as  that  of  the  rider  on  the  red  horse,  low- 
necked  and  close-sleeved.  The  reddish  cloak  lined  with  fur  is 
pulled  over  the  knees  in  riding.  The  hosen  are  white  with 
narrow  red  bars  and  short  prick  spurs  are  on  the  heels.  It 
will  be  seen  that  no  boots  or  shoes  are  shown. 

THK  RIDER  ON  THE  BLACK  HORSE.— Rev.  vi.  5. 



The  equipment  of  the  group  of  knights  upon  Euphrates 
bank  is  very  clearly  shown.  They  wear,  as  far  as  may  be 
seen,  each  a  long  hawberk  of  banded  mail  to  the  knee,  con- 
tinued without  visible  joinings  into  mail  gloves  and  close 
hoods  of  mail.  Two  of  the  head-pieces  are  plain  iron  hats 
sloping  into  wide  brims,  another  is  perhaps  of  the  same  type 
but  barred  with  red  lines ;  a  fourth  is  a  round  skull-cap,  whilst 
a  fifth  knight  shows  one  of  those  curious  iron  hats  of  which 
the  framework  would  seem  to  be  iron  with  an  inner  cap  which 
does  not  appear  as  metal,  and  may  be  a  skull-cap  of  quilted 
work.  In  the  case  before  us  this  inner  cap  is  coloured  green. 
A  hat  of  this  form  is  shown  amongst  the  decorations  once  in 
the  painted  chamber  at  Westminster.  The  legs  are  unarmed 
and  hose  of  yellowish  colour. 


Kev.  i.\.  I.). 


The  same  curious  form  of  the  iron  hat  which  we  noticed 
in  the  last  plate  is  seen  again  in  this.  Here  it  shows  red 
within  the  framework.  The  hawberk  worn  by  the  soldiers  in 
that  plate  is  also  worn  by  the  nearest  devilish  rider,  and  '  haw- 
berk  '  may  be  used  with  assurance  to  describe  this  coat  of 
banded  mail,  for  baubercbe  is  the  word  used  in  the  French 
text  below.  Over  his  shoulder  he  has  a  short  cape  of  red 
and  white  fur.  His  legs  seem  to  be  clad  in  black-grey  boots 
over  which  knee-cops  with  a  rose  boss  are  strapped. 

The  artist  has  unhappily  no  taste  for  varied  armory  and 
little  knowledge  of  an  art  which  his  clever  fingers  could  have 
used  so  much  to  our  instruction.  The  two  banners  here  are 
alike  and  each  has  the  unlikely  bearing  of  silver  with  a  green 
fesse  between  two  broad  bars  or  cotises  of  gold. 

The  hat  of  one  of  those  amongst  the  horse-hoofs  will  be 
noted  as  having  the  same  form  as  the  iron  hat.  His  com- 
panion in  woe  wears  the  little  coif. 

•ON  OK  R,DKRS  u,o.v  HORS.S  wrn,  L.o.v  1I.AUS  * 

SKRI.KN,.  TA,u,_Kev.  ix.  ,7.,9. 



The  king  hearing  the  witnesses  has  a  green  coat  under 
his  cloak  of  pale  purplish  red.  His  hosen  are  white  and  all 
the  shoes  here  are  black,  fastening  with  a  strap,  as  do  the 
shoes  of  our  nurseries.  The  witnesses  are  clad  in  gowns  of 
the  colour  of  the  king's  cloak,  through  which  their  arms  are 
thrust  in  white  sleeves.  Under  the  hoods  show  tippets  or 
linings  of  fur.  Their  large  gloves  have  separate  fingers,  and 
they  have  small  round  caps  of  a  grey  colour.  They  are  clearly 

The  king  nurses  upon  his  arm  a  hand-and-a-half  sword 
with  a  large  and  round  pommel,  straight  quills  of  moderate 
size  and  a  blade  of  mighty  length  and  breadth.  Such  a  sword 
is  carried  by  the  knight  behind  him.  The  iron-framed  hat  is 
here  white  showing  green  within.  The  nature  of  the  mail  with 
which  he  is  hooded  and  sleeved  is  not  indicated,  but  here  at 
least  we  see  the  fingerless  gloves  joined  at  the  wrist  to  the 
sleeve.  His  large  shield  hangs  by  a  strap  from  his  neck, 
being  red  with  three  golden  bars. 

THE  TKSTIMONY  OK  THK  VVii.NKs.5Ks. —Rev.  xi.  3. 



The  vast  swords  of  the  last  plate  are  shown  again  here, 
and  their  rounded  points  may  be  remarked.  The  headsman 
has  a  reddish  coat  reaching  below  the  knee,  the  front  edge 
being  tucked  up  in  his  girdle.  The  king's  furred  tippet  is 
of  grey  and  white  fur.  The  most  noteworthy  points  here  are 
the  underclothings  of  the  victims.  The  kneeling  clerk  with 
the  shaven  head  who  awaits  martyrdom  with  such  eagerness 
has  a  shirt  low  and  plain  at  the  neck  with  short  and  loose 
sleeves  to  the  elbow  and  reaching  to  the  knee.  Here,  and 
upon  the  headless  man  on  whom  the  headsman  tramples, 
the  artist  has  shown  a  garment  which  seems  to  divide  at  the 
skirt  into  short  drawers,  but  he  towards  whose  neck  the  sword 
is  whirling  has  this  shirt  clearly  slit  at  the  side  as  is  a  modern 

THE   SOUNDING  OF   THE   SKVKNTH    ANGE'-  — KcV.  xi.   Ij. 



These  two  angels,  beautiful  examples  of  the  English  work 
of  this  period,  show,  and  especially  in  the  case  of  the  one 
upon  the  reader's  left,  the  long  girdled  gown  with  a  low  neck 
and  the  long  plain  cloak  which  appear  so  often  in  the  draw- 
ings of  the  Matthew  Paris  MS.  figured  in  the  fifth  volume  of 
the  Ancestor, 




The  bodies  of  those  slain  by  the  beast  lie  about  on  the 
green  field  giving  us  many  valuable  points.  The  only  indi- 
cations of  mail  are  shown  in  the  skirts  of  the  hawberks  of 
the  two  in  the  foreground.  The  coat  worn  over  the  hawberk 
is  here  seen  as  open  at  the  sides  of  its  skirt.  Two  of  the 
soldiers  have  knee-cops  of  a  plain  character,  a  third  has  un- 
armed legs  below  the  hawberk  with  the  black  strapped  shoes 
of  civil  dress  upon  his  feet.  This  man's  gloves  are  of  the 
same  curious  type  seen  more  clearly  in  the  next  plate.  The 
hindermost  of  the  soldiers  has  the  iron-framed  hat.  The  two 
red  shields  have  the  one  a  golden  cheveron  between  three 
bezants  and  the  other  a  golden  fesse  and  three  bezants. 

The  young  man  dead  upon  the  ground  shows  the  simplicity 
of  ordinary  English  dress  at  this  period.  A  coif  tied  under 
the  chin,  a  tunic-coat  with  tight  wrists  reaching  to  the  knee 
and  girdled  at  the  waist,  hosen  and  strapped  shoes  go  to  his 
simple  and  convenient  costume. 

TllF.    WORSHIPPING   OK   TlIK   MKVKX-1IKA1>KI>   BEAST. — Her.  Xili.  4. 



Here  we  have  more  victims  giving  us  more  views  of  the 
short  and  short-sleeved  shirt.  The  row  of  rivets  or  studs 
upon  the  edge  of  the  iron  hat  will  be  noticed.  The  coat  has 
wide  sleeves  to  the  elbow  only  and  is  of  purplish  white  with 
green  bars  upon  it,  not,  as  it  would  seem,  with  any  armorial 
meaning.  The  hosen  and  under-sleeves  are  reddish  and  the 
strapped  shoes  and  gloves  white.  The  gloves  should  be  care- 
fully examined  :  they  are  high  gloves  fluted  in  the  portion 
covering  the  wrist  and  part  of  the  forearm,  which  fluting 
probably  indicates  cotton  stuffing  or  pourpointerie.  The  glove 
proper  is  attached  to  these  wristlets  with  a  row  of  little  studs 
or  stitchings  and  the  fingers  are  separate.  The  huge  sword 
has  a  blade  like  a  straightened  falchion. 

HKAST   WITH    TWO   HOKNS    11KE  A   LAMIi  COMING    UP  OUT  OK  THE   EAKTH.—  Rev.  xiii.    II. 



Upon  the  lady  with  the  golden  cup  of  abominations  we 
have  a  singularly  interesting  example  of  women's  dress.  Her 
wimple  and  kerchief  are  white,  the  latter  twisted  about  her 
brows  with  a  falling  end  after  the  manner  of  the  liripipe  head- 
gear of  a  hundred  years  later.  Of  her  undercoat  we  see  the 
grey-black  sleeves,  loose  above  the  elbow.  Her  gown  has 
the  same  hue,  set  off  by  golden  edges  at  the  edge  of  the  long 
and  full  skirt  and  at  the  open  armholes  which  are  open  from 
shoulder  to  waist.  The  long  full  skirt  is  worn  by  the  second 
lady,  but  in  this  case  the  sleeves  are  part  of  the  upper  gown, 
and  the  head,  whose  hair  is  carried  in  a  net,  is  covered  by 
a  loose  kerchief  with  a  long  end  carried  under  the  chin  and 
returned  over  the  shoulder. 

The  lady  upon  the  seven-headed  beast  sits  her  dread  hackney 
in  the  sidelong  fashion,  which  was  not  at  this  date  an  established 
custom  with  women  riders. 

Tin:  U.'.MAN  sirn.vo  UPON  THK  SCARLET  COI.OURKD  UAST.— Her.  xvu.  3 



We  have  here,  it  would  seem,  a  group  of  gaily  clad  clerks,. 
two  with  white  coifs  over  their  long  curled  locks  and  one 
with  an  ample  yellow  hood.  The  long  gowns  to  the  ankle 
are  party-coloured  of  green  and  yellow.  The  hosen  are  green, 
the  shoes  yellow.  The  gowns  end  at  the  elbow  with  a  short 
and  wide  open  sleeve,  the  close  sleeve  of  an  under-garment 
appearing  below.  Each  carries  his  white  gloves  in  his  hand, 
and  the  row  of  buttons  on  the  two  middle  figures  is  note- 

THK    VO|C|.:    CKYINC     "  Co\ll.    DOT     "I      IIKK,     MY     PEOPLE." 1\CV.    XVlii.   <( 



The  curious  horse-trappers  first  take  the  eye  in  this  beautiful 
illustration.  The  horse  is  covered  with  them  over  his  tail 
and  over  his  head  to  the  mouth,  the  ears  being  fitted  and 
ending  each  in  a  round  tassel.  The  foremost  knight  has  the 
great  helm  of  sugarloaf  form  with  crossbarred  front,  the  hinder 
half  lapping  its  edge  over  the  front  with  a  row  of  rivets. 
All  his  followers  wear  coifs  and  hoods  of  mail.  The  coat 
worn  over  the  hawberk  falls  well  below  the  knee  and  ends  at 
the  shoulder.  The  shields  and  five  banners  all  bear  the  arms 
of  St.  George,  which  are  seen  also  upon  the  saddle  of  the 
knight  with  the  helm.  The  prick  spur  and  knee-cop  are  very 
plainly  shown. 

THE    RIDER   ON    THE   WII1TK    ]|»KSK    KOI.1.OWKII    UV    THE    AKMlKs   OK    HEAVEN.  —  Uev.   xix.    14 



This  king  and  his  knights  are  armed  each  after  the  same 
fashion.  No  helm  or  iron  hat  is  seen  amongst  them,  the 
knee-cops  being  the  only  plates.  The  coat  over  the  hawberk 
is  well  seen  here,  slit  for  the  passage  of  the  arms  and  slit 
again  at  the  sides  of  the  skirts  ;  here  it  is  green  barred  with 
yellow  bars  with  narrow  red  lines  at  their  edges.  Two  of  the 
white  pennons  which  are  of  the  shape  of  the  isosceles  triangle 
have  a  yellow  bar  between  two  green  bars,  and  two  a  green 
bar  between  two  of  yellow,  but  we  have  noticed  before  that  our 
artist  is  weak  as  to  his  armory.  The  hawberks  are  of  the 
usual  type,  worn  to  the  knee  and  joined  at  the  wrists  to 
fingerless  gloves  of  the  same  mail.  Especial  regard  should 
be  given  to  the  '  broad  and  studded  belts '  in  which  the 
swords  hang,  and  to  the  small  round  buckler  of  the  angel 
who  is  playing  so  good  a  sword. 




A  GOOD  deal  has  already  been  printed  concerning  the 
recent  coronation,  its  services,  ornaments  and  what-not. 
Mr.  Wollaston's  work,  as  his  somewhat  wordy  title  page  in- 
forms us,  contains  '  a  full  report  of  all  the  cases  argued  before 
the  Court,  with  the  petitions  and  judgments  ;  also  an  intro- 
ductory chapter  on  the  Court  of  Claims,  a  chapter  on  evidence 
and  procedure,  a  complete  tabular  list  of  all  the  claims  existing 
on  the  Coronation  Rolls,  a  chapter  on  the  Lord  Great  Chamber- 
lain case  before  the  Committee  for  Privileges  of  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  other  matters.' 

Mr.  Wollaston  should  be  peculiarly  competent  to  write 
such  a  work.  He  is  a  grandson  of  the  venerable  '  Garter ' 
(to  whom  the  book  is  dedicated),  he  was  appointed  Fitzalan 
Pursuivant  Extraordinary  for  the  occasion,  while  he  appeared 
as  counsel  for  several  of  the  petitioners. 

Mr.  Wollaston  gives  us  verbatim  all  the  petitions  sent  in 
to  the  Court  of  Claims,  the  judgments  in  those  cases  where 
such  was  actually  given,  and  in  addition  a  considerable  amount 
of  the  arguments  of  counsel  in  support  of  the  various  claims. 
It  is  thus  a  Coronation  Roll  of  the  approved  ancient  pattern, 
plus  the  last  item. 

The  claims  may  be  divided  roughly  into  two  classes  those 
to  services  at  the  coronation  ceremony,  and  those  to  services 
at  the  banquet.  As  there  was  no  banquet  the  latter  class  was 
not,  strictly  speaking,  in  question,  but  a  considerable  number 
of  petitions  were  sent  in  to  be  placed  on  record.  Of  these  the 
most  important  was  that  to  serve  as  the  Chief  Butler  of  Eng- 
land, claimed  by  (i)  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  in  right  of  his 
earldom  of  Arundel  ;  (2)  Lord  Mowbray  and  Stourton,  as 
the  senior  coheir  of  William  de  Albini,  Pinceina  or  Butler 
to  William  the  Conqueror  ;  and  (3)  by  Mr.  F.  O.  Taylor,  as 
lord  of  the  manor  or  Kenninghall  in  Norfolk.  In  this  class 
also  falls  the  petition  of  Mr.  Dymoke  of  Scribelsby  to  fill  the 
picturesque  office  of  King's  Champion. 

1  Coronation  of  King  Edward  Vll.  The  Court  of  Claims  :  Cases  and  Evidence. 
By  G.  Woods  Wollaston,  M.A.,  LL.M.,  of  the  Inner  Temple,  Barrister-at- 
Law  (London  :  Harrison  &  Sons). 


Perhaps  the  case  exciting  the  most  general  interest  was 
that  relating  to  the  office  of  Lord  Great  Chamberlain,  for 
which  there  were  four  claimants.  These  were  the  Duke  of 
Atholl,  the  Marquess  of  Cholmondeley,  the  Earl  of  Ancaster 
and  Earl  Carrington,  who  all  claimed  as  representing  the 
Veres,  Earls  of  Oxford.  The  matter  was  left  by  the  Court 
of  Claims  to  the  decision  of  the  Committee  for  Privileges, 
who  decided  in  favour  of  the  three  last  claimants  jointly. 
Mr.  Wollaston  gives  a  very  clear  account  of  the  points  raised, 
and  a  sheet  pedigree  from  Alberic  de  Vere,  Great  Chamberlain 
in  1135. 

Another  hard-fought  case  was  that  of  the  right  to  carry 
the  Great  Spurs.  Here  the  claimants  were  Lord  Grey  de 
Ruthyn,  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  and  Lord  Hastings,  all  of 
whom  claimed  to  represent  John  de  Hastings,  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke, who  carried  the  Spurs  by  his  deputy  (be  being  a  minor) 
at  the  coronation  of  Richard  II.  The  judgment  seems  un- 
satisfactory ;  the  Court  is  not  satisfied  as  to  the  hereditary 
nature  of  the  office,  and  decides  that  no  one  of  the  petitioners 
has  established  his  claim.  In  the  sheet  pedigree  accompany- 
ing this  case  we  are  somewhat  surprised  to  see  our  old  friend 
'  the  Portgreve  of  Hastings '  sitting  in  his  wonted  pride  of 
place  at  the  top  ;  we  thought  that  he  had  decently  retired  to 
the  limbo  of  myths  some  time  ago. 

Another  most  interesting  case  is  that  of  the  Hereditary 
Standard  Bearer  of  Scotland,  an  office  granted  by  one  of  the 
early  kings  of  Scotland  to  Sir  Alexander  Carron,  who  there- 
upon changed  his  name  to  Scrymgeour.  His  last  descendant 
in  the  main  line,  John,  third  Viscount  Dudhope  and  first  Earl 
of  Dundee,  died  without  issue  in  1668.  In  1670  King 
Charles  II.,  under  the  impression  that  Lord  Dundee  had  left 
no  heirs  male,  granted  his  estates  and  his  office  of  Standard 
Bearer  to  Charles  Maitland,  afterwards  Earl  of  Lauderdale. 
This  grant  was  however  subject  to  a  salvo  jure  cujuslibet ;  and 
the  Court  of  Claims,  holding  that  the  office  is  vested  in  the 
Scrymgeour  family,  decided  in  favour  of  Mr.  Henry  Scrym- 
geour-Wedderburn,  who  had  established  a  prima  fade  title  to 
represent  that  family.  A  curious  bit  of  history  appears  in  a 
footnote  on  p.  79.  The  Duke  of  Lauderdale,  it  appears,  after 
the  grant  to  his  brother  in  1 670,  broke  into  the  late  Earl  of 
Dundee's  house  at  Dudhope  .and  carried  off  all  the  family 
papers.  Not  content  with  this  the  duke,  it  is  alleged,  pro- 

THE   COURT    OF    CLAIMS  139 

ceeded  to  tear  out  of  the  Register  of  the  Privy  Council  those 
pages  containing  the  record  of  the  patent  of  viscounty  granted 
to  Sir  John  Scrymgeour  in  1641.  But  the  despoiler,  whoever 
he  was,  forgot  the  index,  which  still  bears  witness  to  the  con- 
tents of  the  lost  pages. 

A  very  remarkable  case  was  the  claim  of  the  Walker 
Trustee  to  exercise  the  office  of  Usher  of  the  White  Rod  of 
Scotland  by  deputy.  It  appears  that  Sir  Patrick  Walker,  who 
held  the  office  in  question,  bequeathed  it  to  his  two  sisters  and 
coheirs.  The  last  survivor  of  these,  Miss  Mary  Walker,  con- 
veyed the  office  to  a  body  of  trustees,  who  were  incorporated 
by  a  private  Act  of  Parliament  in  1877.  This  Act  expressly 
recognized  the  validity  of  the  assignment  to  the  trustees,  and 
in  1898  the  Treasury  compounded  with  them  for  the  salary 
attaching  to  the  office.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Court 
could  not  well  do  otherwise  than  allow  the  claim,  but  the  pre- 
cedent seems  a  very  dangerous  one.1 

An  air  of  romance  attaches  to  the  claim  to  be  Marshal  of 
Ireland.  There  is  first  of  all  a  petition  from  '  James  Thorne, 
Lord  de  Morley,  Baron  of  Rye,  and  Hereditary  Marshal  of 
Ireland,'  claiming  as  the  descendant  and  representative  of  Sir 
William  Parker,  Standard  Bearer  to  Richard  III.  The  length 
of  Irish  pedigrees  is  shown  by  the  allegation  that  the  peti- 
tioner's ancestors  have  been  seised  of  the  Marshalship  of 
Ireland  '  for  all  time.'  This  brought  up  Mr.  George  Sackville 
Frederick  Lane-Fox  with  a  counter  petition.  He  begins  by 
humbly  showing  'that  a  petition  has  been  presented  to  your 
Majesty  by  Mr.  J.  T.  Roe,  calling  himself  Baron  or  Lord  de 
Morley,'  and  claiming  to  be  Marshal  of  Ireland  and  Standard 
Bearer.  Mr.  Lane-Fox  claims  himself  to  be  one  of  the  co- 
heirs of  Thomas  Parker,  the  last  Lord  Morley  and  Monteagle. 
'  The  said  Mr.  J.  T.  Roe '  (he  asserts),  c  calling  himself  Baron 
or  Lord  de  Morley,  is  not  heir  or  coheir  or  the  Lords  de 
Morley,  and  not  heir  or  coheir  to  the  hereditary  office  of 
Marshal  of  Ireland,  and  that  neither  Mr.  Roe  nor  the  right 
heirs  of  the  Lords  de  Morley  have  any  hereditary  claim  to  the 
office  of  Standard  Bearer  to  your  Majesty.  That  the  said 
Mr.  J.  T.  Roe  petitioned  her  late  Majesty  Queen  Victoria  for 

1  The  right  of  the  owner  of  an  hereditary  office  to  alter  the  nature  of  its 
descent  arose  in  the  Lord  Great  Chamberlain  case.  The  House  of  Lords, 
acting  on  the  advice  of  the  Judges,  decided  (in  1626)  that  the  entail  pur- 
ported to  be  created  by  the  sixteenth  Earl  of  Oxford  was  invalid. 


the  Barony  or  title  of  Lord  de  Morley,  that  the  said  petition 
was  referred  to  the  consideration  of  the  then  Attorney-General, 
who  reported  that  the  said  Mr.  J.  T.  Roe  had  not  established 
his  right  to  the  dignity.  That  the  said  Mr.  J.  T.  Roe  subse- 
quently assumed  by  his  own  motion  and  without  authority  the 
title  of  Baron  or  Lord  de  Morley.' 

Mr.  Roe  appeared  in  person  and  admitted  that  he  had  not 
proved  his  right  to  the  barony  before  the  Committee  for  Privi- 
leges of  the  House  of  Lords.  The  Court  made  no  order 
upon  his  petition. 

Mr.  Lane-Fox  must  congratulate  himself  that  his  petition 
was  addressed  to  the  seventh  Edward  rather  than  to  the  first 
James,  otherwise  '  the  said  J.  T.  Roe  '  had  certainly  made 
a  Star  Chamber  matter  of  it.  For  it  is  on  record  that  Mr. 
Lane-Fox's  ancestor,  Edward  Parker,  twelfth  Baron  Morley, 
and  Baron  Monteagley«n?  uxoris,  once  invoked  the  aid  of  that 
all-powerful  Court  for  a  much  lighter  thing.  It  chanced  to 
fall  out  that  one  fine  morning  in  September,  1607,  Lord 
Morley,  taking  the  air  in  Hatfield  Chase,  met  with  Sir  Henry 
Colt  of  Colt's  Hall,  co.  Suffolk,  his  brother,  their  two  men, 
their  sister,  and  a  greyhound.  The  baron,  having  a  '  game  of 
deere '  there,  very  naturally  wished  to  know  who  these  travellers 
were  ;  to  whom  Sir  Henry  Colte,  '  not  then  knowinge  him  to 
be  the  Lo.  Morlye,  made  aunsweare,  (that)  for  oughte  he  knewe, 
he  mighte  be  as  good  a  man  as  he.'  '  After  many  ill  wordes  of 
passyon  and  provocation,'  the  parties  separated  with  these 
contemptuous  salutations,  '  God  buye,  goodman  Colte,'  and 
c  God  buye,  goodman  Morlye.'  Sir  Henry  Colt  got  off  on  a 
technical  objection  to  the  bill  of  complaint,  for  '  uncertainty,' 
but  he  had  a  narrow  escape,  and,  perhaps,  learned  to  mend  his 

Much  more  might  be  said  in  commendation  of  this  very 
useful  and  interesting  work,  did  space  allow.  In  conclusion, 
may  we  suggest  that  the  Barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports  should 
reconsider  their  statement  that  '  every  hostile  landing  upon  the 
soil  of  this  country,  whether  by  Romans,  Danes  or  Normans, 
was  within  the  limits  of  the  Cinque  Ports.'  We  seem  to 
recollect  something  of  Danish  landings  in  Yorkshire  and 
Lincolnshire,  and  there  are  legends  of  Hengist  in  Hampshire. 
We  were  also  under  the  impression  that  Edward  the  Confessor 
died  childless,  and  that  he  was  therefore  not  the  king's 
ancestor,  or,  indeed,  any  one  else's. 


Finally,  we  cannot  resist  the  temptation  to  emphasize  the 
statements  of  '  the  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Councillors  of  the 
Borough  of  Weymouth  and  Melcombe  Regis  in  the  County 
of  Dorset.'  'You  are  aware'  (they  begin)  'we  are  a  most 
ancient  and  loyal  Borough,  having  for  many  centuries  held  the 
pre-eminence  either  as  a  commercial  port,  a  political  power,  or 
from  our  attractions  as  a  sea-bathing  and  watering  place  having 
been  known  from  King  Athelstan's  time  down  to  the  present 
moment.  At  one  time  we  were  a  Queen's  Dowry.'  No  one, 
we  feel  sure,  would  wish  to  dispute  the  attractions  of  the 
Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Councillors  in  any  capacity  they  may 
choose  to  assume,  however  extraordinary,  but  we  have  grave 
doubts  as  to  which  presents  the  more  remarkable  historic 
episode,  King  Athelstan  going  down  to  Dorset  to  bathe  in 
the  sea  and  drink  the  waters,  or  a  body  of  very  worthy 
gentlemen  being  solemnly  assigned  as  the  dowry  of  a  queen. 




FEW  southrons  could  point  out  North  Meols  upon  a  map 
of  England  unaided  by  the  knowledge  that  the  Lanca- 
shire watering-place  of  Southport  is  a  hamlet  upon  its 
coastside.  In  the  future  the  curious  concerning  North  Meols 
will  be  directed  for  full  and  sufficient  answer  to  any  question 
concerning  the  parish  to  Mr.  Farrer's  history,  which  leaves 
poor  gleaning  for  the  topographer  who  shall  follow  in  his  steps. 
In  one  of  the  handsomest  archaeological  books  of  late  years  we 
have  the  history  at  large  and  in  detail  of  the  two  townships 
which  go  to  the  parish,  the  story  of  the  church,  its  rectors  and 
monuments,  and  of  the  grammar  school,  and  of  the  famous 
mere  to  the  east  of  the  parish. 

The  '  meols '  which  give  their  name  to  the  parish  are '  mels ' 
or  sand-hills,  amongst  which  the  norseman  Odda,  son  of 
Grim,  settled  in  far  days  beyond  the  conquest.  Otegrimele  is 
in  the  survey  of  1086,  and  was  amongst  the  poor  marshlands 
which  were  returned  as  quit  except  of  Danegeld.  The  Bussels, 
barons  of  Penwortham,  gave  to  God  and  St.  Werburgh  of 
Chester  three  ox  gangs  in  Moeles  with  the  human  live  stock 
holding  those  lands.  At  a  date  between  1 189  and  1 194  Hugh 
Bussel,  the  fourth  baron,  gave  all  Normeles  to  Richard  the  son 
of  Hutred,  who  gave  him  for  the  grant  five  marks  of  silver 
and  one  buskin  or  hunting  boot.  This  Richard  was  lord  of 
Broghton  and  Little  Singleton,  and  master  serjeant  for  the 
crown  of  the  Wapentake  of  Amounderness,  and  was  followed 
by  Alan  his  son,  called  Alan  of  Singleton;  but  the  last  trace  of 
the  Singletons  in  North  Meols  is  found  in  a  release  made  in 
Edward  II. 's  time  by  Thomas  of  Singleton. 

Roger  de  Lacy,  the  constable  of  Chester,  followed  the 
Bussels  in  their  barony,  and  under  him  appears  Alan  of  Meols, 
a  freeman  taking  his  name  from  his  estate  here.  With  this  Alan 
begins  the  connected  story  and  pedigree  of  the  manor  lords  of 
Meols.  He  is  the  man  of  Roger  de  Lacy,  and  a  charter  of 

1  A  History  of  the  Parish  of  North  Meols  in  the  hundred  of  West  Derby  and 
county  of  Lancaster  ;  with  historical  and  descriptive  notices  of  Eirkdak  and  Martin 
Mere  ;  by  William  Farrer.  Liverpool  :  Henry  Young  &  Sons  (1903). 

NORTH    MEOLS  143 

his  is  extant  which  must  have  been  given  between  1204  and 
1209.  Beside  him  in  King  John's  reign  appears  Robert  the 
first  of  the  Coudrays,  lords  of  North  Meols  for  five  genera- 
tions. Coudray,  as  Mr.  Farrer  points  out,  is  the  name  of  a 
manor  in  the  marches  of  Wales,  and  Robert's  alleged  by-name 
of  Russel,  which  was  certainly  the  by-name  of  his  nephew 
William,  smells  of  the  Norman.  He  had  the  whole  town  of 
Meols  with  its  mill  from  John  de  Lacy  the  constable  before 
his  death  in  1222.  William  Russel,  otherwise  Coudray,  fol- 
lowed his  uncle  Robert,  and  in  1232  was  in  the  service  of 
Ranulf,  Earl  of  Chester  in  Normandy,  as  appears  by  a  man- 
date directed  in  that  year  to  the  Sheriff  of  Lancaster.  A 
number  of  his  charters  remain,  from  which  Mr.  Farrer  has 
recovered  many  valuable  notes  of  the  placenames  and  bound- 
aries of  these  townships  of  salt  and  moss  and  drifting  sand. 

A  mass  of  good  genealogical  work — the  results  being 
tabulated  in  one  of  those  great  folding  pedigrees  which, 
necessary  as  they  may  be,  have  the  disadvantage  to  the  book- 
owner  of  tearing  at  the  third  time  of  reference  to  them — carries 
on  the  manorial  history.  Robert  of  Coudray,  lord  of  the 
whole  manor  of  North  Meols  and  great  grandson  of  William 
Russel  alias  Coudray,  left  two  daughters  and  coheirs,  only 
one  of  whom  continues  the  pedigree.  This  daughter 
Katherine,  after  the  death  of  her  first  husband,  Alan  son  of 
Richard  of  Downholland,  whose  only  child  by  her  died 
without  issue,  married  Richard  of  Aghton.  The  parentage 
of  Richard  is  unknown,  but  he  may  have  been  Richard,  son 
of  Walter  of  Aghton,  a  high-spirited  young  man  who  went 
over  sea  in  the  service  of  King  Edward  III.,  which  loyal 
journey  was  allowed  by  that  sovereign  to  wipe  off  the  offence 
of  the  death  of  Dionis,  wife  of  Richard  son  of  William 
Bimmesone.  William  of  Aghton,  son  of  Richard  and  Kath- 
erine, married  Millicent,  daughter  and  coheir  of  John  Comyn, 
lord  of  Kinsale,  and  after  this  match  the  Aughtons  of  Meols 
took  the  Comyn  shield  of  arms,  a  black  shield  with  three 
golden  sheaves  (of  cummin).  North  Meols  descended  with 
the  Aughtons  from  father  to  son,  one  of  them,  Sir  Richard 
Aughton,  leading  thirty-six  men  to  the  Earl  of  Derby's  muster 
against  the  rebels  of  1536.  His  son  John  died  without  issue 
in  1550  and  two  sisters  were  the  coheirs.  The  one  married 
a  cadet  of  Bold  of  Bold,  and  her  one  son  died  childless, 
having  conveyed  away  his  moiety  of  the  manor  of  North 


Meols  to  his  father's  house.  The  other  married  Barnaby 
Kitchen  of  Pilling,  a  squire  whose  shield  of  arms  takes  our 
attention  as  a  version  of  the  shield  of  that  northern  family  of 
Kitchen,  whose  arms  and  crest  our  modern  kings  of  arms 
have  taken  in  hand  to  make  an  achievement  of  arms  for  Lord 
Kitchener  of  Khartum,  whose  family  came  out  of  Hampshire. 
Alice,  only  child  of  Ann  Aughton  and  Barnaby  Kitchen, 
married  Hugh  Hesketh,  a  bastard  son  of  her  kinsman  Sir 
Thomas  Hesketh  of  Rufford,  and  in  her  descendants  the 
Hesketh  half  of  the  manor  remains. 

The  Heskeths  and  Bolds  were  both  recusant  families,  and 
the  history  of  such  is  a  long  record  of  vexatious  fines  and 
sequestrations  obstinately  suffered.  William  Hesketh  of 
North  Meols  was  in  arms  against  the  parliament  and  died  in 
the  king's  service  in  1 643,  in  which  year  his  estates  were  taken 
into  the  hands  of  the  parliament.  North  Meols  escaped  the 
tumults  of  war,  but  its  sons  would  doubtless  have  borne  a 
great  part  in  the  stirring  doings  of  the  day  had  it  not  been  for 
an  untoward  circumstance.  North  Meols  had  scoured  its 
harness  and  was  putting  itself  '  into  a  posture  of  warr '  ready 
to  strike  in  on  one  side  or  the  other,  when  Captain  Geoffrey 
Holcroft  and  his  parliament  troop  swooped  upon  them  and 
carried  off  the  cherished  weapons  of  war  with  which  the 
forces  of  North  Meols  had  armed  themselves.  For  the  restora- 
tion of  this  artillery  ('  towe  fowleinge  peeces  and  towe  burdinge 
peeces  ')  North  Meols  made  pitiful  petition  to  the  colonels  at 
Ormskirk,  protesting  that  all  four  pieces  should  serve  king 
and  parliament  alike  and  that  '  armes  are  verie  skant  and  ill  to 
be  come  by.'  The  petition  is  unheeded  and  North  Meols 
makes  no  armed  entry  upon  English  history. 

The  Heskeths  came  well  away  from  the  troublous  times 
with  the  loss  but  of  a  few  years'  rents,  and  the  cavalier's 
brother  succeeded  him  in  the  end  at  North  Meols.  Roger, 
the  cavalier's  nephew,  having  learned  no  wisdom  from  his 
uncle's  misfortunes,  received  arms  at  a  distribution  made  in 
1 692  amongst  Lancashire  gentry  ill-affected  to  King  William, 
and  was  a  prisoner  at  Manchester  in  1694  with  his  wife 
Mary,  charged  with  being  concerned  in  the  Jacobite  rising 
in  Lancashire.  We  may  perhaps  be  allowed  to  connect 
their  escape  from  the  law  with  the  fact  that  Barnaby  Hesketh 
of  North  Meols  was  one  of  the  grand  jury  trying  them,  blood 
in  Lancashire  being  deemed  thicker  than  water.  The  obscurity 

NORTH    MEOLS  145 

of  this  remote  family  of  squires  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  for 
four  generations  in  the  direct  line  we  have  but  the  Christian 
names  of  their  wives.  In  1733  Roger  Hesketh,  the  squire  of 
North  Meols,  married  with  Margaret,  eldest  daughter  and 
coheir  of  Rossall  of  Fleetwood,  and  the  effect  of  this  marriage 
upon  the  family  fortunes  is  seen  in  his  shrievalty  of  the  county 
in  1740.  His  two  grandsons  were  sheriffs  in  their  day,  and 
his  great-grandson,  who  took  the  Fleetwood  name  and  arms, 
was  created  a  baronet  in  1838. 

The  baronetcy  expired  with  the  first  baronet,  whose  only 
surviving  son  was  born  out  of  wedlock,  and  he  was  succeeded 
by  his  brother  Charles,  the  rector  of  North  Meols,  who  died 
in  1876.  The  portrait  of  this  Charles  Hesketh  stands  for  a 
frontispiece  to  Mr.  Farrer's  book.  His  strong  features,  with 
shaven  lips  and  side  whiskers  above  white  tie  and  broadcloth, 
should  give  this  portrait  a  value  in  some  future  day  when 
our  descendants  would  see  what  manner  of  man  was  the 
squarson  of  the  Victorian  time. 

In  the  next  generation  the  Hesketh  moiety  passed  away 
again  from  the  male  line  to  the  family  of  Bibby,  in  which  it 
remains,  and  Charles  Hesketh  Bibbey-Hesketh  of  North 
Meols,  high  sheriff  in  1901,  is  its  lord,  the  descendant  of 
Alan  of  Meols  of  King  John's  time,  of  the  Coudrays  and 
the  Aughtons,  of  Barnaby  Kitchen  and  Hugh  Hesketh. 

The  grammar  school  of  North  Meols  was  founded  in 
1593  by  Edward  Halsall  of  Halsall,  but  the  old  school  house, 
pulled  down  in  1827,  was  built  by  the  lords  of  the  two 
moieties  of  the  manor.  Rebuilt  in  1837,  its  endowment, 
like  many  others,  disappeared  in  mystery.  It  was  last  heard 
of  as  lent  to  the  overseers  to  pave  Bankfield  Lane,  and  shorn 
of  its  income  the  grammar  school  exists  as  the  National 
School  of  North  Meols. 

For  the  church  of  North  Meols  Mr.  Farrer  has  all  our 
sympathy.  Such  industry  as  his  deserved  at  the  least  a  fifteenth 
century  tower,  an  old  font  or  the  like,  a  crossed-legged  Meols 
or  Coudray  in  a  dark  niche.  But  in  a  score  of  lines  he  can 
say  of  it  all  he  needs  to  say.  It  was  built  in  1730  in  the 
place  of  an  old  church  which  fire  consumed,  for  the  sum  of 
.£1,292  >  ar>d  at  that  price  North  Meols  obtained  a  church  of 
which  Mr.  Farrer  remarks  that  even  as  an  example  of  the 
dispiriting  architecture  of  its  date  '  it  is  particularly  lacking 
in  artistic  features.'  It  is  made  beautiful  within  by  a  board  on 


which  is  painted  the  names  of  the  churchwardens,  and  without 
by  the  carven  names  of  more  churchwardens.  There  is  also 
a  sundial  to  give  what  flavour  of  antiquity  the  date  of  1827 
may  impart.  It  goes  for  something  that  the  strongbox  of 
the  depressing  temple  holds  a  chalice  with  the  London  plate- 
mark  of  1579-80. 

Mr.  Farrer  has  forty  names  of  rectors  in  his  carefully 
annotated  list,  from  Adam  the  clerk  of  Mieles,  who  was  fined  for 
some  sportsmanlike  breach  of  the  forest  law,  to  the  Rev.  James 
Denton  Thompson,  the  present  rector.  The  best  known  name 
is  that  of  Thomas  Stanley,  Bishop  of  Sodor,  a  bastard  of  Sir 
Edward  Stanley,  Lord  Monteagle,  who  held  two  more  rec- 
tories in  Lancashire  and  two  in  Yorkshire,  by  reason  of 
whose  neglect  the  Meols  folk  lay  dead  for  days  together  before 
a  priest  could  be  brought  to  bury  them. 

Meols  had  its  vicar  of  Bray  in  James  Starkie,  presented  in 
1639  by  Kmg  Charles,  the  patron  being  a  minor  and  the 
king's  ward.  When  Presbyterian  views  came  in  Master 
James  Starkie  veered  readily  about,  and  signed  the  '  Harmo- 
nious Consent '  of  1 648  with  the  same  goodwill  with  which 
after  the  Restoration  he  signed  the  Articles  of  1 662,  and  thus 
stayed  unchallenged  in  rectory  and  chancel  until  his  death  in 
1684.  Edward  Shakespear,  rector  in  1735,  not  only  made 
two  sermons  upon  f  the  Use  and  Intent  of  Divine  and  Human 
Laws  '  and  on  the  '  Mutual  Obligation  of  Clergy  and  Laity  to 
Holiness  of  Life,'  but  printed  them  into  the  bargain.  When 
he  died  in  1748  '  his  quondam  Acquaintance  and  Friend  J.  C., 
A.M.,  Minister  of  B.,'  mourns  this  swan  of  North  Meols  in 
a  neat  copy  of  verses,  which  beginning — 

Mourn  all  ye  Muses,  and  Apollo  mourn, 
Your  SHAKESPEAR  dies,  and  sinks  into  his  Urn, 

go  on  to  suggest  that  only  the  Pythagorean  doctrine  could 
account  for  the  nature  of  the  late  Rev.  Mr.  Shakespear's 
literary  abilities.  England  is  doomed  to  see  but  two  Shake- 
spear's  '  Alike  in  Genius  and  alike  in  Fame,'  and  the  gloom 
which  shrouds  North  Meols  is  described  as  affecting  even  the 
canary  bird  of  the  ascended  rector. 

Sounds  from  his  pulpit  stunn'd  the  Deisfs  Ear 
And  wrought  conversion  by  well  grounded  Fear. 

The  garlands  won  in  North  Meols  are  not  to  wither  upon 


Mr.    Shakespear's    brow.      The  fame  of   the  author  of  the 
'  Mutual  Obligation  of  Clergy  and  Laity  '  will  follow  him  : — 

O  Saint  disrob'd,  tell,  in  what  argent  Groves 
Among  celestial  Entities  Thou  roves. 
Ravish'd,  methinks,  I  see  the  Heav'nly  Throng 
Court  thee,  what  Choir  august  Thou'lt  sit  among. 

Of  a  truth,  after  Mr.  Shakespear  has  sunk  into  his  urn, 
it  is  pure  bathos  of  Mr.  Farrer  to  hurry  us  on  to  the  record 
of  his  successor,  John  Baldwin,  M.A.,  whose  only  title  to 
remembrance  lies  in  the  fact  that  he  took  the  name  of  Rigbye 
by  royal  licence  and  died  in  1793.  The  rectory  of  North 
Meols  may  be  recommended  as  safe  anchorage  for  churchmen 
unharrassed  by  professional  ambition,  for  since  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth  only  one  rector  has  obtained  other  preferment. 

The  shields  of  the  various  lords  of  Meols  are  excellent 
examples  of  the  manner  in  which  good  armorial  ornament 
may  be  used  in  illustration  ;  although  the  Victorian  beauties 
of  the  new  shield  and  crest  of  Mr.  Bibby-Hesketh  have 
troubled  the  artist  even  as  they  would  delight  Mr.  Phillimore. 
In  this  case  the  uncrested  helm  between  its  two  detached 
crests,  each  upon  its  stiff  sausaged  wreath,  is  a  survival  of  the 
bad  days  of  armorial  design.  The  curious  shield  attributed  to 
Meols — three  roundels  borne  in  the  chief — will  attract  students 
of  armory,  and  seems  to  be  a  curious  variant  of  the  arms  of 
Meols  which  are  attached  to  the  barons'  letter  of  1301. 

O.  B. 



THIS  useful  reference  book  carries  on  the  work  of  the 
series  of  volumes  entitled  Graduati  Cantabrigienses  which 
have  appeared  between  1787  and  1884.  The  genealogist  and 
biographer  have  now  to  hand  lists  of  all  Cambridge  graduates 
from  1659  to  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century.  A  notable 
addition  has  been  made  in  the  shape  of  the  names  and  dates 
of  matriculation  of  those  members  of  the  university  who  have 
not  proceeded  to  a  degree.  Whilst  awaiting,  and  we  may 
suppose  awaiting  in  vain,  the  volumes  which  shall  give 
the  genealogist  the  much  to  be  desired  particulars  of 
the  age  and  parentage  of  the  matriculated,  this  book,  which 
has  been  carefully  edited  by  the  Rev.  J.  F.  E.  Faning,  assistant 
registrary  of  the  university,  will  be  taken  at  once  into  general 

1  The  Book  of  Matriculations  and  Degrees  :  a  Catalogue  of  those  who  have 
been  matriculated  or  admitted  to  any  Degree  in  the  University  of  Cambridge 
from  1851  to  1900.  (Cambridge  :  at  the  University  Press). 


MRS.  NAPIER  HIGGINS,  who,  challenging  the  known 
claims  of  more  than  one  of  the  name  of  Bernard,  an- 
nounces herself  as  '  the  last  scion  of  the  last  known  branch  '  of 
the  Bernards  whose  history  she  traces,  has  set  about  her  task  of 
chronicler  of  her  family  with  the  industry  which  should  be  the 
first  qualification  for  such  an  adventure.  Witness  two  volumes 
of  350  pages  apiece  and  the  promise  in  her  preface  of  two 
more  such  volumes  to  come.  Of  other  qualifications  for  the 
writing  of  family  history  Mrs.  Higgins  has  no  more  than  is 
usually  found  amongst  the  makers  of  such  books,  although 
it  may  at  least  be  said  that  her  pages  show  that  she  has 
avoided  as  far  as  may  be  entangling  technicalities  of  whose 
purport  she  is  ignorant.  Of  the  two  volumes,  the  whole  of 
the  second  and  nearly  the  half  of  the  first  is  the  biography  of 
Sir  Francis  Bernard,  governor  of  Massachusetts  for  King 
George  III.,  the  remaining  pages  carrying  the  family  history 
from  the  thirteenth  century  to  the  days  of  the  governor. 

With  the  thirteenth  century  then  we  begin,  although  so  old 
and  well  rooted  a  family  as  the  Bernards  has  not  made  its  way 
down  the  centuries  without  acquiring  a  pedigree  made  out  in  the 
older  and  more  imaginative  manner.  Danish  descent  is  given 
them  by  some,  whilst  the  Dictionary  of  the  Peerage  is  quoted  for 
Sir  Theophilus  !  { a  valiant  knyghte  of  German  descent,  who  in 
1066  accompanied  William  the  Conqueror  into  England  ;  who 
was  son  of  Sir  Egerett  and  father  of  Sir  Dorbard  Bernard, 
whose  descendants  settled  in  the  counties  of  Westmorland, 
York,  and  Northampton.'  Mrs.  Higgins  betrays  a  certain  shy- 
ness in  the  presence  of  these  three  mail-clad  improbabilities, 
and  remarks  with  well-advised  suspicion  that  she  knows  nothing 
of  this  genealogy  from  any  other  source,  which  is  a  pity,  for 
Egerett  and  Dorbard  are  as  pleasing  ancestral  names  as  we 
have  met  with,  and  for  a  Sir  Theophilus,  as  for  Sir  Titus  of 
the  Leightons,  one  might  draw  Domesday  in  vain. 

Godfrey  Bernard  of  Henry  III.'s  time  is  the  first  Bernard 

1  The  Bernards  ofAblngton  and  Nether  Wincbendon,  a  family  history,  by  Mrs. 
Napier  Higgins  :  in  two  volumes  (Longmans,  Green  &  Co.  1903). 

1 49 


whom  Mrs.  Higgins  will  recognize  as  a  blood  relation,  and 
although  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  Godfrey  lived  and 
breathed  and  had  his  being  at  Wanford  in  Yorkshire,  Mrs. 
Higgins  continues  to  give  him  a  pretty  air  of  unlikeliness,  by 
refusing  us  any  evidences  to  support  him,  and  by  the  entirely 
delightful  suggestion  that  he  was,  like  as  not,  a  cousin  of  St. 
Bernard  of  Clairvaux.  The  evidences  for  this  suggestion  are 
not  withheld.  St.  Bernard's  name  was  Bernard,  and  Bernard 
was  Godfrey's  surname.  Some  centuries  after  Godfrey's  death, 
his  descendants,  musing  upon  the  bear  in  their  arms,  chose 
for  their  '  word  '  bear  and  forbear^  whilst  sustine  et  abstine  is  the 
word  attributed  to  the  saint  of  Clairvaux.  c  Matilda,'  wife  of 
King  Stephen,  received  St.  Bernard  at  Boulogne,  and  from 
these  premises  the  conclusion  that  '  a  nephew  or  cousin  '  of 
that  saint  may  have  crossed  the  Channel  can  hardly  be  avoided. 
That  Bernard  as  a  surname  comes  from  Bernard  the  forename 
cannot  be  doubted,  and  Mrs.  Higgins  is  ready  with  a  new 
theory  of  surnames  of  this  nature,  that  they  are  not  necessarily 
derived  from  a  forefather.  From  whom  then  but  from  '  a 
kinsman  of  marked  celebrity,'  and  celebrated  St.  Bernard  was 
in  truth.  The  armorial  argument  comes  happily  in.  The 
Bernards  must  have  come  over  sea  with  their  English  trans- 
lation of  their  saintly  uncle's  motto.  The  arms  *  followed  as 
an  illustration  of  bear  and  forbear.'  That  this  precious  motto 
is  certainly  of  late  origin,  and  the  arms  of  the  bear  as  certainly 
derived  from  the  bearish  name  of  Bernard  has  never  been  con- 
sidered by  Mrs.  Higgins  amongst  the  several  theories  she 
discusses.  Of  the  name  Godfrey  we  have  the  note  that  to 
Mrs.  Higgins  '  it  almost  suggests  a  foreign,  but  not  a  Norman, 

From  Godfrey,  who  exchanges  his  home  in  Yorkshire  for 
one  at  Iselham  in  Cambridgeshire,  a  flitting  for  which  Mrs. 
Higgins  thinks  it  unnecessary  to  adduce  any  evidence,  the 
pedigree  flows  mildly  onward  for  several  chapters,  but  as  Mrs. 
Higgins'  researches  are  mere  nibblings  from  accessible  book- 
shelves, and  transcripts  from  the  county  historians  Baker  and 
Lipscomb,  and  from  Mr.  Wotton's  baronetage,  they  do  not  call 
for  criticism.  That  an  old  family  of  Bernard  or  Barnard  was 
settled  at  Iselham  in  Cambridgeshire,  and  afterwards  in  North- 
amptonshire, is  well  known,  if  only  by  the  monuments  which 
they  have  left  behind  them  ;  but  the  running  commentary  of 
Mrs.  Higgins,  who  has  no  special  knowledge  of  old  English 


customs  and  history  and  is  sadly  to  seek  in  the  matters  of 
genealogy  and  armory,  does  not  throw  any  fresh  light  upon 
their  lives.  The  house  of  Abington,  which  was  their  North- 
amptonshire seat,  has  now  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  North- 
ampton Corporation,  and  the  oak  panels  with  their  rich  carving 
of  armories  and  grotesques  have  been  most  happily  preserved 
for  coming  generations,  although  an  interesting  Tudorwing,  with 
a  secret  staircase  in  it,  seems  to  have  shared  the  fate  of  a  walled 
garden  and  many  old  trees  which  a  municipality  uncaring  for 
such  things  has  levelled  in  wicked  haste.  The  match  which 
bought  the  Northamptonshire  lands  was  that  of  Robert 
Bernard  with  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir  Nicholas  Lillyng,  a 
family  here  described  as  '  cadets  of  the  noble  house  of  Lucy,' 
apparently  on  the  ground  that  '  they  bore  the  same  arms.'  As 
the  Lucys  and  Lillyngs  did  not  bear  the  same  arms  the  con- 
nection seems  hardly  established. 

Turning  page  by  page  we  regret  more  and  more  that  the 
story  of  the  family  had  not  been  reinforced  by  good  illustrations 
of  their  famous  effigies  and  brasses  still  remaining.  With  these 
before  us  we  could  have  pardoned  much.  Without  them  to 
distract  us  the  eye  is  apt  to  rest  upon  such  trivialities  as  the 
note  upon  a  Mary  Bernard  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

'  Mary,  oc.  4  H.  5  '  is  the  notice  of  her  in  Baker's  history.  This  may 
mean  '  occisa,'  but  perhaps  stand  for  'occidit,'  and  therefore  does  not  imply 
any  violent  ending  of  her  life. 

It  certainly  does  not,  and  if  we  suggest  that  the  doubtful 
'  oc.'  indicates  that  Mr.  Baker  had  found  Mary's  name 
'  occurs '  in  a  document  of  the  date  quoted  we  have  taken  away 
all  need  for  poor  Mary  Bernard  to  haunt  the  carved  room  at 
Abington  o'nights.  The  reason  for  Mrs.  Higgins'  reluctance 
to  quote  the  authority  of  medieval  records  is  perhaps  hinted  at 
by  her  repeated  citation  of  the  famous  old  Collectanea  Topogra- 
pbica,  from  which  she  has  gathered  particulars  of  Sir  John  Ber- 
nard of  Abington's  great  match  with  a  daughter  of  the  Scrope 
of  Bolton,  as  Collectanea  Typograpbica. 

Two  battles  appear  in  our  history.  To  one,  the  battle  of 
Northampton,  of  which  a  description  is  given  from  Hartwright's 
Story  of  the  House  of  Lancaster,  we  are  led  unwillingly,  for  we 
are  brought  to  it  only  as  to  a  battle  in  which  the  Bernards  may 
have  fought.  '  I  have  no  evidence  '  says  Mrs.  Higgins,  '  as  to 
the  part  they  [the  Bernards]  took  on  that  occasion  '  ;  perhaps  it 


was  confined  to  the  defence  of  their  own  possessions.  A  battle 
in  which  the  Bernards  may  have  taken  part  to  the  extent  of 
closing  their  window-catches  and  seeing  that  the  front  door  was 
safely  bolted,  does  not  appeal  to  us  as  a  battle  which  should 
have  place  in  the  military  history  of  the  family. 

Bosworth  field  is  another  matter,  for  Baker's  pedigree 
which  notes  Sir  John  Bernard's  death  in  1485,  is  vigorously 
amplified  by  a  member  of  his  family  who  vouches  for  the  fact 
that  c  Sir  John  bore  Richard's  personal  banner  of  the  White 
Rose  at  Bosworth,  and  fell  by  his  master's  side  in  the  last 
desperate  charge  which  so  nearly  won  the  day  for  King 
Dicken.'  For  this  at  least  some  authority  should  have  been 
cited,  for  the  banner,  for  the  bannerer,  and  for  his  part  in  the 
charge.  But  Mrs.  Higgins  is  untroubled  by  the  need,  musing 
rather  upon  what  motives,  what  '  creditable  motives,'  could 
have  brought  the  respectable  bear  of  the  Bernards  into  such 
royally  bad  company  as  that  of  the  white  boar  of  York.  Mrs. 
Higgins  pleads  loyally  for  her  ancestor.  Perhaps  '  Sir  John 
Bernard  may  not  have  believed  the  king  guilty  of  the  crimes 
laid  to  his  charge  ';  he  may  have  'admired  his  ability.'  But 
we  have  no  comfort  for  Mrs.  Higgins  ;  we  think  it  very 
wrong  of  Sir  John,  and  his  misadventure  in  the  last  charge 
should  be  a  warning  to  others  to  choose  their  friends  more 

In  spite  of  Sir  John's  alleged  mishap  the  family  kept 
Abington  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Tudors  and  the  greedy  men 
about  their  court.  They  had  made  another  good  match  with 
Margaret,  an  heir  of  the  Daundelyns  of  Doddington  and 
Earl's  Barton,  for  whose  family  antiquity  we  are,  not  greatly 
to  our  surprise,  referred  to  the  '  Battle  Abbey  Roll,'  which 
Mrs.  Higgins  treats  as  a  grave  record  rather  than  as  a  popular 
fiction  of  the  later  middle  ages.  But  the  Bernards  were  to 
make  a  more  famous  marriage  than  that  with  Scrope  or  Daun- 
delyn.  Baldwin  Bernard,  who  died  in  1610,  had  married  for 
a  second  wife  Eleanor  Fullwood,  who  was  distantly  connected 
with  Arden  of  Wilmcote,  an  ancestor  of  William  Shakespeare, 
but  the  Bernards  were  to  come  nearer  the  rose  than  that. 
John  Bernard,  son  of  Baldwin,  was  born  about  1604.  He 
took  no  part  in  the  civil  wars,  but  Mrs.  Higgins,  ever  eager 
for  the  family  credit,  is  quick  to  suggest  that  the  affection  for 
royalty  which  he  must  have  cherished  from  early  associations 
(the  sovereign  having  drawn  the  rents  of  Abington  during  his 


minority)  '  may  have  been  gradually  modified  by  reading  and 

After  his  first  wife's  death  John  Bernard  made  his  memor- 
able second  choice  and  married  a  childless  widow  of  forty 
years  of  age,  Elizabeth  Nash,  daughter  of  Doctor  Hall,  and 
granddaughter  of  William  Shakespeare.  Unhappily  for 
genealogists  the  middle-aged  couple  had  no  child  born  to 
them,  and  whilst  hardly  any  Englishman  is  without  his  royal 
descent  from  our  old  kings,  no  one  can  boast  himself  of  the 
blood  of  Shakespeare. 

Soon  after  the  restoration  John  Bernard  was  knighted  and 
Shakespeare's  granddaughter  became  the  Lady  Bernard.  Sir 
John  lived  at  Abington  till  his  death  in  1 6yf ,  but  in  1 669  he 
had  sold  away  the  ancient  manor  of  the  Lillyngs  and  the 
Bernards  to  William  Thursby  of  the  Middle  Temple. 

The  male  line  of  the  Bernards  went  on  through  Francis,  a 
younger  brother  of  Baldwin.  He  was  of  the  stately  old 
village  of  Kingsthorpe — recorded  as  having  once,  in  its  pride, 
kept  three  coaches  and  six.  From  one  of  his  sons,  as  we 
believe,  descends  a  well  known  writer  on  archaeological  sub- 
jects, Mr.  Francis  Pierrepont  Barnard.  Robert  the  eldest 
son  was  at  the  bar,  and  as  a  burgess  of  Huntingdon  in  1 630 
was  in  the  town's  new  charter  appointed  one  of  the  justices 
of  the  borough  side  by  side  with  another  burgess — one 
Oliver  Cromwell,  esquire,  who  in  the  matter  of  this  new 
charter  allowed  himself  to  use  '  disgracefull  and  unseemley 
speeches '  to  Mr.  Bernard  and  the  mayor,  disgraceful  the 
more  for  their  difference  in  station,  for  Mr.  Robert  Bernard 
was  the  '  principal  resident  gentleman  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  new  corporation.'  Yet  Mr.  Bernard  was  to  live  to 
see  his  troublesome  fellow  burgess  the  *  principal  resident 
gentleman '  within  an  even  larger  area.  It  is  plain  that  Mr. 
Bernard  had  no  nose  for  coming  greatness,  for  his  name  is 
associated  with  that  of  Milton  by  reason  of  his  moving  in 
the  court  of  requests,  as  counsel  for  Sir  Thomas  Cotton, 
that  an  attachment  should  be  issued  of  the  goods  of  John 
Milton  the  elder,  the  poet's  old  and  infirm  father.  He  took 
the  coif  of  serjeant-at-law  under  the  parliament  in  1648  ; 
prospered  and  bought  Brampton  Hall,  and  stood  by  the 
Cromwells  to  their  end,  marrying  a  son  to  Elizabeth  St.  John, 
whose  mother  was  a  Cromwell.  Serjeant  Bernard  was  one 
of  those  happy  time-servers  of  1660.  The  king's  restora- 


tion  brought  him  no  loss  of  fortune,  a  knighthood  rather, 
with  a  baronetcy  to  follow.  At  this  time  a  younger  son  of 
his,  William  Bernard,  whom  his  father  had  prenticed  to  a 
grocer,  was  heaping  up  more  enduring  honours,  being  ad- 
mitted on  one  occasion  to  the  sharing  of  a  barrel  of  oysters 
and  '  a  great  deal  of  wine  '  with  Blessed  Samuel  Pepys  him- 
self, and  by  giving  in  return,  at  the  Sun  in  Fish  Street,  a 
pie  which  has  its  place  in  the  golden  book  of  pies,  being 
recorded  by  the  diarist  of  diarists  as  '  a  pie  of  such  pleasant 
variety  of  good  things  as  in  all  my  life  I  never  tasted.' 
This  worthy  young  man's  father  has  his  own  place  in  the 
diary — he  gave  no  pie,  but  Pepys  saw  him  in  church  at 
Brampton  with  his  lady  and  his  lady's  father,  my  late  Lord 
St.  John  (an  Oliver's  peer),  a  very  plain,  grave  man.  The 
serjeant  died  at  last  in  1666,  being  even  then  at  work  in 
Serjeant's  Inn.  His  son  had  married  a  Shuckburgh,  whose 
father  had  laid  in  Kenilworth  Castle  after  being  taken  at 
Edgehill.  Yet  what  puzzled  hatred  these  Shuckburghs  and 
their  like  must  have  kept  for  such  as  the  Bernards,  who  had 
coined  their  guineas  steadily  during  the  troubles,  had  risen 
with  the  Cromwells,  and  risen  again  with  the  Young  Man's 

The  last  baronet  of  the  line  died  unmarried  in  1789.  He 
was  member  for  Westminster,  was  tortured  by  the  gout,  and 
left  land  of  £14,000  a  year  to  his  nephew,  a  Westminster 
schoolboy  named  Sparrow,  ancestor  of  the  Duke  of  Man- 

Thomas  Bernard,  ancestor  of  another  branch,  a  cadet  of 
Abington,  was  born  about  1570  and  dwelt  at  Reading,  dying 
in  1628.  The  obscurity  of  this  branch  is  shown  by  the  absence 
from  the  pedigree  of  the  surname  of  his  wife  and  of  the  wife  of 
the  son  Francis  who  succeeded  him.  A  second  Francis,  son 
of  this  last,  matriculated  at  Oxford  in  1677,  says  Mrs.  Higgins, 
'  as  "  pleb,"  which  I  have  discovered  to  mean  yeoman  '  !  This 
Francis  held  a  college  living  in  Wiltshire,  and  in  1702  was 
given  that  of  Brightwell  in  Berkshire.  He  married  Margery 
Winlowe  of  Lewknor,  by  whom  he  had  issue  a  third  Francis, 
the  future  governor  of  Massachusetts,  an  only  child,  christened 
in  1712,  three  years  before  his  father's  death. 

Francis  Bernard,  who  was  called  to  the  bar  in  1737,  settled 
at  Lincoln  in  the  cathedral  shadows.  He  was  notary  public 
and  commissioner  of  bails  and  commissary-general  for  the 


peculiars  of  the  dean  and  chapter  in  Oxford,  Buckingham  and 
Northampton.  Here  in  Evelyn's  'old  confused  town,  very 
long,  uneven,  steep  and  ragged,'  the  holder  of  half  a  dozen 
provincial  offices,  and  a  married  man  with  a  family  growing 
up  about  him,  Francis  Bernard  might  surely  have  seen  the 
promise  before  him  of  the  private  life,  quiet  and  uneventful. 
At  this  point  Mrs.  Higgins's  narrative  begins  to  have  a  value 
of  its  own.  In  place  of  extracts  from  half-comprehended 
folios  we  have  notes  from  letters,  stories  which  are  family 
tradition,  and  many  citations  from  documents  which  Mrs. 
Higgins  has  consulted  at  first  hand.  The  quotations  from 
printed  works  show  at  least  a  genuine  desire  for  research,  and 
the  character  of  our  book  steadily  improves.  But  it  improves 
into  something  between  a  biography  and  a  historical  tract 
upon  the  troubles  in  America,  and  therefore  removes  itself  the 
more  from  the  field  of  the  Ancestor  s  criticism,  save  for  the 
personal  note  here  and  there  encountered.  With  the  entry  of 
Francis  Bernard  into  Lincoln  we  have  costume  and  provincial 
manners  illustrated  by  the  fate  of  a  young  Mrs.  Terry,  of  a 
family  connected  with  the  Bernards.  On  a  Sunday  in  1720 
she  came  into  the  minster  in  a  habit  of  pearl-coloured  cloth 
with  gold  lace  and  fur  linings,  so  modish  that  devotion  was 
disturbed  until  the  chanter,  with  rare  courage,  sent  a  verger 
to  ask  her  to  leave  at  once  what  Mrs.  Higgins  has  an  unhappy 
tendency  to  call  the  *  sacred  edifice.'  Of  the  three  Bishops  of 
Lincoln  under  whom  Francis  Bernard  lived  we  have  sketch 
portraits.  Bishop  Reynolds  is  qualified  by  Doddridge  as  a 
'  valuable '  bishop,  which  may  be  intrepreted  an  evangelical 
one.  For  the  antiquary  he  is  the  wretch  who  gave  the  ancient 
palace  of  the  Bishops  of  Lincoln  as  a  quarry  for  the  cathedral 
works.  John  Thomas,  bishop  in  1743,  was  a  favourite  of 
royal  George  II.,  probably  because,  having  been  a  chaplain  to 
the  English  merchants  in  Hamburg,  he  could  speak  in  a 
tongue  sweeter  than  the  English  in  majesty's  ears.  He 
squinted,  he  was  deaf,  too  fond  of  the  great  folk  in  whose 
company  he  had  learned  to  be  '  sadly  forgetful  of  his  promises.' 
But  he  was  a  facetious  and  humorous  prelate,  and  his  rule 
may  have  been  welcome  in  Lincoln  after  the  ministrations  of 
the  valuable  Reynolds.  John  Green  followed  him,  a  popular 
man  and  an  idle. 

In  old  Lincoln  then  Francis  Bernard  dwelt  for  a  score  of 
years,  living  by  the  law,  meddling  with  architecture,  making 


Latin  and  English  verses  and  getting  Shakespeare's  plays  by 
heart.  The  houses  which  had  the  advantage  of  his  polite 
taste  are  unidentified,  and  Latin  verses  are  ever  a  very  private 
joy,  but  an  English  quatrain  survives  which  is  traced  to  him, 
the  famous  toast  of — 

Here's  a  health  to  all  those  that  we  love, 

Here's  a  health  to  all  those  that  love  us  ; 

Here's  a  health  to  all  those  that  love  them  that  love  those 

That  love  them  that  love  those  that  love  us. 

Such  a  toast  might  take  a  man  far.  Toasts  in  the  eigh- 
teenth century  were  not  as  Mrs.  Higgins  remarks  c  necessarily 
associated  with  hard  drinking,'  but  they  were  nevertheless 
associated  with  good  company  over  a  table  full  of  rummers 
and  toast  glasses,  and  Francis  became  an  acceptable  kinsman 
to  his  wife's  high-placed  cousins  the  Barringtons — my  Lord 
Viscount  Barrington  and  his  brothers,  the  major-general  who 
was  at  Guadalupe,  the  Welsh  judge,  Samuel  the  Admiral  of 
the  White  and  Shute  the  bishop.  In  such  good  fellowship 
the  commissary  of  the  peculiars  began  to  lift  his  head  and 
look  further  abroad  for  food  for  the  seven  cubs  of  the  Bernard 
bear  who  were  growing  up  in  his  house.  His  wife's  uncle 
had  been  governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  Thomas  Pownall, 
once  a  neighbour  of  his,  followed  Shirley  in  that  office.  In 
1758  Francis  Bernard,  esquire,  under  the  Lord  Barrington's 
influence  became  Captain-General  and  Governor-in-chief  of 
New  Jersey,  and  the  Lincoln  home  broke  up  for  ever. 
Francis  the  eldest  son  had  just  won  a  scholarship  at  West- 
minster, and  according  to  the  ancient  custom  of  the  school 
had  been  tossed  in  a  blanket  therefor.  Accepting  the  honour 
uneasily  he  had  fallen  out  on  his  head,  and  poor  Francis 
Bernard's  head  was  never  good  for  much  thenceafter.  He 
and  John,  Jane  and  Fanny  the  baby  were  to  be  left  in  Eng- 
land, whilst  the  others,  Thomas,  Shute,  William  and  Amelia, 
went  over  sea  to  the  new  life  in  New  England,  where  they 
came  after  a  voyage  of  six  weeks  at  the  least. 

The  government  of  New  Jersey  was  a  beginner's  place. 
In  1758  it  was  still  a  settler's  province  with  a  good  harbour 
to  which  it  had  no  trade  to  bring.  Thinly  peopled  as  it  was, 
it  had  its  internal  politics  and  its  foreign  wars.  The  nameless 
Quakers  of  West  New  Jersey  were  robbed  of  their  citizenship 
by  the  ruling  colonists,  and  the  Minisinks  raided  into  the 
New  Jersey  clearings  the  more  boldly  by  reason  that  the  Legis- 


lature  had,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  frontier  was  in  excep- 
tional danger,  economized  by  reducing  its  army  upon  the 
frontier  to  fifty  men. 

Francis  Bernard  fell  to  work,  as  it  seems,  with  the  fresh 
and  vigorous  policy  which  might  be  expected  from  the  man 
from  Lincoln  unskilled  in  the  diplomacy  of  delay  and  circum- 
locution. He  prepared  for  war  upon  the  frontier,  being  captain- 
general  as  well  as  governor,  and  once  prepared  met  the  Indians 
fairly,  and  heard  their  undoubted  grievances  at  a  conference  at 
Easton.  In  October,  1758,  the  late  commissary-general  of 
the  peculiars  who  had  been  walking  Lincoln  streets  in 
April  was  touching  wampum  belts,  sitting  in  full  pow-wow 
with  the  warriors  of  the  six  nations,  with  the  Nanticokes  and 
Conoys,  Tuteloes  and  Chugnuts,  with  the  angry  Minisinks, 
and  with  that  tribe  of  Mohicans  whose  name  is  honourable 
wherever  the  English  schoolboy  runs  wild.  Francis  Bernard, 
all  unknowing,  may  have  heard  the  approving  ugh  of  Uncas 
at  the  end  of  his  little  speech,  and  passed  the  peace-pipe  to 
the  hands  of  the  wise  Chingachgook.  Francis  Bernard  spoke 
and  was  answered  by  a  chief  whose  name  of  Teedyuscung 
suggests  in  its  first  syllables  the  born  political  orator.  A 
thousand  Spanish  dollars  and  a  few  tactful  words  made  peace 
with  the  nations,  and  doubtless  saved  many  a  New  Jersey- 
man's  scalp.  At  the  entreaty  of  a  chief  named  Thomas  King, 
*  the  lock  was  taken  off  the  rum  '  that  the  hearts  of  all  might 
be  glad  at  parting,  and  Francis  Bernard's  first  experience  as  a 
ruler  was  happily  over.  Equal  fortune  followed  his  attempted 
settlement  of  the  difficulties  of  the  Quakers.  His  new  dignity 
was  not  so  stiff  upon  him  that  King  George's  governor  might 
not  waive  the  form  and  ceremony  which  the  Quaker  refused 
so  stubbornly.  A  Quaker  was  given  a  seat  upon  the  council- 
board,  and  Bernard  became  to  the  Quakers  c  the  friend  of  the 

After  a  year  and  a  half  of  such  a  Baratarian  governorship 
Bernard's  powerful  home  influence  moved  him  to  the  higher 
and  uneasier  seat  of  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  Here 
Governor  Bernard  found  himself  a  great  man,  King  George's 
representative,  and  a  mark  for  the  hatred  which  the  Bostonians 
were  cherishing  for  that  unpopular  sovereign.  On  every 
side  were  the  evidences  of  his  new  state  and  of  its  accompany- 
ing danger  and  contumely.  Governor  Bernard  went  in  state 
with  halbardiers  behind  him  to  the  old  King's  Chapel  or  Church 


of  the  Governors  to  be  reminded  by  its  site  that  Chief  Justice 
Sewall  and  his  puritans  having  refused  to  sell  ground  to  the 
Governor  Andros  for  the  chapel  of  his  detested  religion,  a 
corner  of  the  burial  ground  had  to  be  seized  for  the  building. 
The  ornaments  of  the  church  might  remind  the  governor  as 
he  sat  in  his  state  pew  under  the  scutcheons  of  dead  and  gone 
governors  that  now  and  again  it  happened  that  young  puri- 
tanism,  chafing  under  the  iniquitous  existence  in  its  town  of 
boards  with  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  Creed  in  gilt  letters,  and 
pillars  which  were  flagrantly  decked  with  green  boughs  for 
the  celebration  of  a  heathen  festival  known  as  Christmas  Day, 
broke  in  the  windows  and  piously  spattered  filth  upon  the 
accursed  thing. 

Massachusetts  in  1740  had  been  by  the  testimony  of 
Colonel  Bladen  '  a  kind  of  commonwealth  where  the  king  is 
hardly  a  Stadtholder.'  In  1760  even  this  limited  rule  was 
tottering.  Wolfe  had  died  upon  the  heights  of  Abraham  the 
year  before  and  two  months  after  Francis  Bernard  had  read  his 
commission  the  news  came  of  the  fall  of  Montreal,  the  French 
dominion  in  Canada.  But  with  this  relief  from  the  foreign 
peril  came  new  troubles  for  King  George.  The  colonists  and 
frontiers  men  who  had  followed  Wolfe  came  back  to  New 
England  as  war-trained  officers  and  veteran  soldiers  of  a  cam- 
paign. They  were  familiar  too  with  their  comrades  of  the 
English  regular  troops  and  had  all  a  colonist's  contempt  for 
the  feeble  obstinacy  of  the  ministers  and  clerks  at  home,  who 
hampered  the  army's  movements.  One  may  imagine  the  feel- 
ings of  the  riflemen  of  the  backwoods  towards  the  administra- 
tion which  while  insisting  that  the  soldier's  head  should  be 
dusted  with  flour,  refused  to  allow  him  a  practice  cartridge  to 
bang  off  at  a  target,  holding  that  true  economy  ordered  that 
a  soldier's  acquaintance  with  his  clumsy  musket  should  begin 
upon  the  field. 

In  the  October  of  this  year  of  1760  died  King  George  II. 
Governor  Bernard  had  now  for  his  master  oversea  a  young 
man  of  twenty-two,  and  the  good  fortune  of  the  house  of 
Hanover  again  wrought  against  itself  in  America.  As  the 
breaking  of  the  French  power  in  Canada  left  the  colonists  free 
to  match  their  turbulence  against  their  rulers'  obstinacy,  so  the 
unquestioned  succession  of  the  son  of  him  who  had  seen  his 
rival's  army  at  Derby  took  away  from  the  Americans  that 
shadow  of  a  popish-Jacobite  dynasty  in  whose  dread  they  had 


lived.  The  last  principle  which  might  wring  from  them 
a  tithe  of  grudging  loyalty  had  now  disappeared.  King 
George  II.,  who  had  been  prayed  for  three  months  after  his 
death  in  the  Governor's  chapel  at  Boston,  was  dead,  and  King 
George  III.  was  proclaimed  by  Governor  Bernard  on  the  30 
December,  1760. 

The  young  Rehoboam  was  upon  his  father's  throne  and 
the  end  was  near.  The  first  serious  trouble  of  Governor 
Bernard's  administration  shows  the  pitiable  position  in  which 
King  George's  governors  in  America  found  themselves. 
The  French  were  still  in  Canada,  and  in  the  cause  of  the 
colonists  English  treasure  was  crossing  the  Atlantic  and  the 
English  army  was  being  spent  in  wild  foreign  service.  At 
such  a  time  it  came  at  last  to  the  ears  of  those  in  power  at 
home  that  French  resistance  was  fed  by  American  aid.  The 
very  colonists  in  the  cause  of  whose  freedom  and  safety  this 
great  struggle  was  being  fought  out,  were  with  inconceivable 
baseness  taking  French  gold  for  regular  supplies  of  smuggled 
provisions  and  stores.  The  Governor  of 'Massachusetts  was 
urged  to  move  vigorously  against  the  iniquity.  But  cargoes 
for  smuggling  lay  in  the  most  respectable  cellars  and  ware- 
houses in  New  England  and  the  writs  whereby  the  Comp- 
troller of  Customs  made  search  for  them  with  the  aid  of  the 
governor's  forces  were  strenuously  resisted.  The  smuggling 
party  was  in  force  enough  to  seek  remedy  in  the  Supreme 
Court  for  the  interference  with  their  business,  although  a 
verdict  in  their  favour  was  impossible.  For  four  or  five  hours 
James  Otis  pleaded  the  cause  of  these  huckstering  patriots, 
carrying  the  crowd  with  him  as  he  ranted.  In  such  a  scene 
wrote  John  Adams  with  something  less  than  the  humour  of 
his  country,  '  American  independence  was  then  and  there  born '! 
and  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  sacred  right  of  succouring 
his  country's  enemies  for  commercial  reasons  prevailed  until 
the  end  of  the  war  in  1763. 

It  is  not  within  our  province  to  trace  the  history  of 
Governor  Bernard,  a  governor  compelled  to  live  with  the 
symbols  of  a  vexatious  authority  about  him,  and  yet  to  be 
ever  without  the  force  behind  him  to  exact  respect  for  those 
symbols,  from  the  day  when  the  General  Court  addressed  him 
as  one  '  whose  honour  and  prosperity  we  ardently  wish  for,'  to 
the  day  when  with  liberty  tree  decked  with  flags,  with  ringing 
of  bells  and  firing  of  cannon  the  governor  stood  out  to  sea 


from  Boston  harbour,  covered  with  accusations  of  avarice, 
treachery,  cowardice  and  oppression.  He  seems  to  have  been 
an  honest  gentleman  and  a  well-meaning,  who  fought  an  uphill 
fight  in  which  at  every  point  of  the  game  he  was  outmatched 
by  his  adversaries.  Many  such  honest  and  well-meaning 
gentlemen  have  place  in  the  story  of  our  country's  failures  in 
war  and  peace,  and  a  stronger  man  in  Bernard's  place  might 
but  have  added  oil  to  flame. 

The  sidelights  upon  colonial  life  are  pleasanter  reading. 
Many  years  after  the  American  provinces  were  lost  to  us, 
Julia  Bernard,  the  governor's  daughter,  wrote  down  for  her 
descendants  some  account  of  their  life  in  Massachusetts.  She 
had  been  born  in  New  Jersey  in  1759,  and  left  America  in  her 
tenth  year,  but  her  remembrances  of  a  stranger  life  than  that 
she  came  to  in  England  are  always  the  fresh  and  interesting 
pictures  stored  in  the  mind  of  a  bright-witted  little  girl. 

First  of  all  she  recalls  life  and  movement  of  her  childhood  ; 
the  twelve  oared  barge  in  which  the  sea  became  a  familiar 
path,  the  swift  sleighs  that  carried  them  in  winter  over  roads 
along  which  in  milder  weather  wheels  would  not  pass,  the  town 
coach,  and  the  horses  upon  which  the  children  rode.  All  these 
things  made  memories  for  the  child  to  carry  to  England  from 
a  larger  life  than  that  which  awaited  her  there.  { I  often  think ' 
she  was  to  write  long  years  after  *  over  those  early  days 
of  my  existence,  of  so  different  a  character  from  the  later 
periods  of  my  life.  All  seemed  great,  enlightened  and  enjoy- 

She  recalls  her  father,  *  who  dressed  superbly  on  public 
occasions,'  and  those  were  days  in  which  a  man  with  a  mind 
for  fine  raiment  might  consider  the  lilies  to  their  disadvantage. 
Francis  Bernard  was  to  die  long  before  a  coxcomb's  phrase  in 
a  novel  drove  a  nation  into  the  black  garments  in  which  Mr. 
Henry  Pelham  was  of  opinion  that  a  gentleman  looked  most 
distinguished.  Julia  remembers,  too,  her  mother — *  tall,  and 
a  very  fine  woman  '  ;  her  dresses  with  gold  and  siver  lace,  with 
ermine  and  rare  sable. 

The  sale  of  the  governor's  goods  from  the  Massachusetts 
Gazette  furnishes  the  little  court  of  Julia's  memories  with 
crimson  damask  chairs  in  carved  mahogany  frames  with  window 
cushions  and  curtains  to  match.  And  the  governors  banquets 
are  recalled  by  '  8  mahogo  dining  Tables '  and  '  6  setts  of 
Leather  bottom  chairs.'  The  Boston  winters  are  suggested  by 


the  '  3  Tables  forming  a  horse-shoe  for  the  benefit  of  the  Fire 
in  winter.' 

The  child  propped  upon  the  cushions  of  the  state  pew  in 
the  Governor's  Church  saw  little  of  the  iron  piety  which  ruled 
Boston  in  the  eighteenth  century.      The  laws  which  governed 
those   grave   merchants   whose    ships   carried    rum  from  the 
Boston  wharves  to  be  exchanged  for  black  ivory  in  African  bays 
were  founded  upon  such  of  the  portions  of  the  Mosaic  code 
as  commended  themselves  to  the  harsh  soul  of  the  Puritan. 
Sunday  was  a  day  in  which  the  law  alone  walked  abroad  seek- 
ing whom  it  might  devour,  and  Sunday  began  at  sunset  on 
Saturday.     After   that   hour   even    those  who   lived   by  the 
wharves  might  not  walk  to  the  water-side.     In  full  summer 
heat  no  one  might  take  the  air  on  Boston  common,  and  if  two 
or  three  met  together  by  chance  in  Boston  streets,  stayed  to 
exchange  a  word,  fine  and  imprisonment  awaited  them  if  they 
obeyed  not   the  first  word  of    the   constable  bidding   them 
disperse.     In    1723    an   unhappy   man   killed    himself  upon 
Sunday   morning,   and  his  widow  was  held   to  have  gained 
extraordinary  indulgence  in  being  allowed  a  justices'  licence  to 
send  a  negro  messenger  to  summon  her  son  to  her  help.     On 
Sunday  the  Independent  minister  was  absolute,  in  the  week  he 
shared  his  power  with  the  proud  merchants  whose  carriages, 
plate  and  rich  furniture  from  England  were  the  boast  of  Boston. 
The  fine  dresses  of  the  ladies  rivalled  London  ;  but,  unhappily, 
they  might  be   shown  only  at  an  occasional  tea-drinking  or 
promenade,  for  the  laws  forbade  the  theatre,  and  dancing  was 
held  a  snare  of  Satan.     In  such  a  society  one  need  hardly  add 
that  cards,  drinking,  smoking  tobacco  and  swearing  are  set 
down  by  John  Adams  as  the  sole  amusements  of  the  young 
gentlemen  of  Boston.  The  taverns  were  full  and  were  already 
gaining   the   political  influence  which   their   descendants  the 
'  saloons '  were  to  organize  and  wield  in  our  own  time.      The 
puritan,  rejecting  the  wisdom  of  the  classics,  set  to  work  to 
expel  nature  with  a  pitchfork,  but  in  the  end  we  see  an  armed 
neutrality  existing  between  hot  youth  and  the  puritan  magis- 
tracy.    Youth    sat  late,  drank  and  sung  in  its  tavern,  and 
justice  with  deaf  ears  walked  the  high  roads  and  kept  the 
common  and  sea  shore  free  of  Sabbath-breakers.     Into  such  a 
society  the  violence  of  partisan  politics  came  and  was  made 
welcome  as  a  new  and  sweet  distraction. 

The  other  side  of  American  life,  and  it  is  a  side  which  a 


thoughtful  man  might  well  set  against  the  rest,  is  seen  in  a  note 
made  by  Thomas  Bernard,  nearly  thirty  years  after  his  father's 

One  of  my  earliest  pleasures,  in  part  of  my  youth  spent  in  America,  was 
to  view  the  eagerness  with  which  the  young  labourer  laid  up  the  greatest  part 
of  his  earnings,  confident  that  when  he  married  and  settled  in  life  it  would 
secure  him  the  property  of  a  comfortable  house  and  a  little  land. 

To  a  society  in  which  no  contrast  could  be  seen  between 
great  wealth  and  abject  poverty,  and  in  which  'the  means  of 
subsistence  were  easy  and  open  to  all,'  Americans  and  English- 
men alike  may  look  back  with  regret. 



appearance  of  Henry  of  Bolingbroke  on  the  stage  of 
JL  Her  Majesty's  has  been  almost  synchronous  with  that  of 
the  first  volume  of  his  Patent  Rolls  in  calendar  form  issued  by 
the  Public  Record  Office.  And,  in  its  own  way,  each  of  these 
events  is  welcome.  The  splendour  of  the  scenes  staged  by 
Mr.  Tree  is  reflected  in  the  descriptions  afforded  by  the  Rolls 
of  the  forfeited  treasures  of  Richard's  supporters  when  Henry 
had  trodden  them  under  his  feet.  Those  of  the  Earl 
of  Kent,  at  Warwick  Castle,  which  were  bestowed  on  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  included  an  entire  bed  of  red  *  damasq  ' 
embroidered  with  *  ostrychfetheres,'  three  curtains  of  red 
'  tartaryne  '  embroidered  with  the  arms  of  the  Earl  of 
Stafford,  pallet  cloths  of  red  and  black  *  worstede  '  em- 
broidered with  the  arms  of  Kent,  and  a  dorsal  with  four 
side  pieces  of  work  of  arras  with  the  history  of  *  Guy  de 
Warrewyk.'  Of  singular  interest  is  the  long  inventory  of  the 
Earl  of  Huntingdon's  forfeited  goods  bestowed  on  Sir  John 
Cornwall  and  his  wife.  Among  them  were  '  a  chapel  of  red 
cloth  of  gold  with  golden  herons  and  falcons  with  "  orfreys  " 
of  divers  images,  a  chapel  of  blue,  white,  and  red  cloth  of 
gold  with  golden  swans,  a  chapel  of  black  cloth  of  gold,  a 
chapel  of  blue  cloth  of  gold,  a  chapel  of  white  silken  cloth, 
and  other  "  chapels  "  ;  '  three  blue  cloths  of  gold  with  golden 
falcons,  a  red  cloth  of  gold  with  golden  trees,  a  red  and  white 
cloth  of  gold  with  golden  leopards,  a  chalice  of  silver  gilt  with 
the  arms  of  the  countess  on  the  foot,  two  spoons  of  which 
one  is  golden  and  the  other  of  beryl  set  in  gold,  a  sword  for 
the  lists,  a  shield,  and  great  silver  salts.' 

The  possessions  even  of  smaller  men  were  rich  in  heraldic 
splendour.  Thomas  Shelley  '  chivaler  '  had  forfeited  '  bowls 
of  silver  gilt  on  the  lips  with  a  shield,  argent  a  fess  and  three 
scallops  sable,  in  the  middle  of  each  ;  a  cup  of  silver  gilt  with 
a  cover  with  a  shield,  of  the  same  arms  on  "  le  pomel,"  a  gilt 

1  Calendar  of  the  Patent  Rolls  of  Henry  IV.  vol.  i.  1399-1401  (Stationery 




cup  sculptured  with  divers  animals,'  many  other  pieces  of  plate, 
and  '  four  coats,  two  "  trappiers,"  and  a  tunic  of  arms.' 

The  follies  of  chivalry,  as  Mr.  Freeman  termed  them,  had 
distinguished,  with  heraldic  accompaniment,  the  reign  of 
Richard  II.  Among  the  spoils  of  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon's 
forfeiture  were,  '  a  bed  and  a  celure  of  silk  embroidered  with 
bulls  and  the  arms  of  March  and  Pembroke,'  and  '  four 
tapets  of  white  colour  with  "  ragged  staves,"  '  besides  c  three 
cloths  of  gold  worked  with  oaks,  six  red  tapets  worked  with 
tapestry  of  the  arms  of  the  earl  and  his  wife,  a  trapping  of 
red  velvet  embroidered  with  stags,  and  tapets  of  red  worsted 
embroidered  with  oak  leaves,'  and  '  a  bed  of  "  baudekyn " 
embroidered  with  the  arms  of  England  and  of  "  Henaud." 

No  corporation  of  heralds  was  then  in  existence,  but 
Richard  Brugges  alias  Lancastre  King  of  Arms  was  granted 
1\d.  a  day  '  with  robes  pertaining  to  his  estate '  as  John 
Marche,  herald,  'alias  King  Noreys,'  had  of  the  grant  of 
Richard  II.  Percy  'Heraud'  also  received  a  grant  of  j£io 
a  year  in  lieu  of  the  ^13  6s,  %d.  granted  him  as  Wales 
'  Heraud '  by  Richard  II.  Lancaster  and  Percy  themselves 
were  now  in  possession  of  all  power,  and  one  of  Henry's  first 
acts  was  to  grant  to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  the  Isle  of  Man 
'  by  the  service  of  carrying  at  the  left  shoulder  of  the  king  or 
his  heirs  on  the  days  of  coronation  the  sword  called  "  Lan- 
castre swerd,"  with  which  the  king  was  girt  when  he  put  into 
the  parts  of  Holdernesse.'  Sword  and  shield  were  still  supreme, 
but  the  shadow  of  their  doom  is  seen  in  a  commission  to 
William  Wodeward  '  foundour '  and  Gerard  Sprunk  to  take 
brass  and  copper  and  charcoal  and  '  salpetir  '  for  the  making 
and  working  of  certain  guns. 

There  are  also,  of  course,  important  entries  bearing  on 
genealogy  and  topography.  A  long  and  remarkable  entry  in 
French  records  this  division  between  '  Philippa  de  Coucy, 
Duchess  of  Ireland,  and  her  sister  Mary  de  Coucy,  wife  of 
the  late  Sir  Henry  de  Bar,'  daughters  of  the  Sire  de  Coucy  and 
'  Madam  Isabel  of  England  his  wife,'  of  their  parents '  estates 
on  both  sides  of  the  channel.  A  whole  mass  of  Cheshire 
charters  is  brought  to  light  by  an  Inspeximus  of  1 400  in  favour 
of  St.  Mary's,  Chester.  We  may  note,  in  connection  with 
those  which  have  already  appeared  in  the  Ancestor,  one  of 
Richard  son  of  Richard  son  of  Gralam  de  Lostok,  to  which 
*  Waryn  le  Grovenor '  is  a  witness,  and  one  relating  to  Bud- 

PATENT    ROLLS   OF    HENRY   IV.     165 

worth  and  the  Grosvenors.  Again,  another  Inspeximus  reveals  an 
important  charter  of  King  Stephen  in  favour  of  the  Argentine 
family,  while  the  history  of  religious  houses  receives  important 
illustration  from  the  early  charters  to  the  priories  of  St. 
Botolph's,  Colchester,  and  St.  Denys  by  Southampton.  A 
curious  licence  for  the  chaplain  and  parishioners  of  '  St.  Mary 
Colchirche  by  the  Great  Conduit,  London,  in  the  font  of  which 
St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  and  St.  Edmund  of  Bury,  king, 
were  baptized,  and  in  which,  out  of  reverence  for  these  martyrs, 
divine  service  with  music  has  long  been  celebrated  daily.' 
We  meet  with  *  St.  Thomas  Martyr  '  again  at  Winchelsea, 
where  the  parson  of  his  church  succeeds  in  obtaining  Christ's 
share  ('Cristesshare')  of  the  catch  of  fish,  which  the  king's 
bailiffs  had  been  taking  for  his  use.  The  '  share '  system  of 
fishing  on  the  Sussex  coast  is,  we  may  add,  ancient  and  peculiar. 
Mr.  Fowler,  the  editor  of  this  volume,  has  compiled  the  long 
and  valuable  index  that  we  look  for  in  the  volumes  of  this 

J.  H.  R. 



MR.  BOSWELL  tells  us  that  Doctor 
Johnson  was  not  the  less  ready  to 
love  Mr.  Bennet  Langton  for  his  being  of  a 
very  ancient  family.  Few  men  kept  a 
straighter  back  before  their  fellows  than  the 
son  of  the  Lichfield  bookseller,  but  for  him 
the  angelic  hierarchy,  the  dukes  and  the 
judges  of  the  land,  the  king  and  the  squire 
were  part  of  the  ordered  constitution  of  things  in  which  he 
put  his  faith.  A  squire  of  an  old  race  of  manor-lords  was  to 
Johnson  a  thing  as  necessary  as  beautiful,  and  he  would  say 
with  visible  pleasure,  '  Langton,  sir,  has  a  grant  of  free  warren 
from  Henry  the  Second,  and  Cardinal  Stephen  Langton,  in 
King  John's  reign,  was  of  this  family.' 

Four  generations  have  since  been  added  to  the  long  line 
of  Langtons,  and  no  antiquary  has  thrown  doubt  upon  that 
antiquity  of  race  for  which  Johnson  loved  the  more  the  tall 
young  man  from  Trinity  College  c  whose  mind  was  as  exalted 
as  his  stature.'  It  is  true  that  the  grant  of  free  warren  from 
Henry  II.  comes  not  to  hand,  and  Cardinal  Stephen  Langton, 
whose  birth  is  unknown,  cannot  any  more  be  reckoned 
amongst  the  uncles  of  Langton  of  Langton.  That  descent 
in  the  male  line  from  the  twelfth  century,  whose  rare  survival 
these  articles  will  show,  was  accorded  very  readily  by  the 
genealogists  of  Johnson's  day,  a  parchment  roll  with  an  onion- 
string  of  ancestral  names  being  held  as  evidence  enough  ;  but 
Langton  of  Langton  can  show  better  proof  than  the  illumin- 
ated imaginings  of  the  Elizabethan  heralds. 

That  Langton  has  been  of  Langton  in  unbroken  descent 
carries  the  pedigree  at  once  far  into  the  middle  ages.  In 
Lincolnshire  such  a  family  stands  alone.  The  Welbys  are 
indeed  owners  of  Welby,  but,  as  we  believe,  not  by  inherit- 
ance, nor  have  they  joined  their  sufficiently  long  pedigree 
to  the  old  Welbys  of  Moulton.  The  Skipwiths,  although 


their  descent  from  Robert  de  Estoteville,  a  baron  of  the 
conquest,  may  be  put  aside  as  worthless,  might  be  taken 
to  a  twelfth-century  forefather,  but  they  rose  in  Yorkshire  and 
can  no  longer  be  regarded  as  a  Lincolnshire  family.  Yet 
Langton  lives  at  Langton,  a  Lincolnshire  squire  who  owns  by 
inheritance  the  parish  from  which  his  remote  forefathers  took 
their  surname. 

Of  the  many  Langtons  in  England  which  amaze  genealo- 
gists who  attempt  a  history  of  any  family  of  the  name  this 
Langton  is  Langton  by  Spilsby  in  the  hundred  of  Hill  and 
county  of  Lincoln,  formerly  called  Langton  by  Partney.  It 
is  Langetune  in  Domesday  Book,  and  was  then  held  by  Hugh 
the  fat,  Earl  of  Chester,  belonging  to  his  manor  or  honour 
of  Greetham.  The  fact  that  no  tenant  at  Langton  is  named 
in  the  survey  has  saved  the  pedigree  makers  the  necessity 
of  deriving  the  manorial  family  in  the  approved  style  from 
the  man  of  Domesday. 

Some  time  during  the  nineteenth  century  Langton  shel- 
tered an  unworthy  owner  under  whom  the  ancient  charters 
and  muniments  of  the  family,  known  to  have  been  in  existence 
a  hundred  years  since,  ceased  to  be.  The  pedigree  therefore 
begins  with  documents  which  must  be  sought  for  far  and 

An  early  Langton  deed  is  found  in  a  certain  register — 
registrum  antiquissimum — in  the  muniment  room  of  the  dean 
and  chapter  of  Lincoln.  In  it  Osbert  of  Langetun  gives  two 
oxgangs  of  land  in  Langetun  and  one  toft  to  the  dean  and 
chapter.  By  the  witnesses'  names  a  date  between  1196  and 
1205  may  be  added. 

The  Bardsey  cartulary  now  in  the  British  Museum  sup- 
plies more  than  one  Langton  evidence.  Matthew  son  of 
Osbert  of  Langeton  gives  to  God  and  St.  Oswald  and  the 
monks  of  Bardsey  the  homage  and  service  of  Walter  son  of 
Richard  of  Hagwrdingham  and  of  Walter's  heirs  and  one 
oxgang  of  land  in  the  territory  of  Hagwrdingham,  for  the 
safety  of  his  soul  and  the  soul  of  Osbert  his  brother.  Hag- 
worthingham  is  hard  by  Langton.  By  another  charter  Osbert 
of  Langton  confirms  to  the  monk  that  oxgang  which  Matthew 
his  brother  gave.  By  a  third  charter  Gilbert  son  of  Osbert 
of  Langeton  confirms  his  uncle  Matthew's  gift. 

The  Kirkstead  cartulary  gives  us,  as  witnesses  to  a  grant 
of  lands  in  Langton,  Osbert  of  Langton  and  Gilbert  and 


Robert  and  Richard  his  sons.  This  Gilbert  son  of  Osbert 
was  party  to  a  fine  of  lands  in  Langton  8  June  1202.  When 
we  consider  that  we  have  the  name  of  Gilbert's  grandfather 
Osbert  this  family  of  Langton  is  thereby  established  as  one  of 
which  three  known  generations  were  living  in  the  twelfth 
century.  At  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  Gilbert 
of  Langton  presents  Eustace  the  clerk  to  the  church  of  Lang- 
ton,  the  advowson  of  which  is  still  in  the  hands  of  the  family. 
The  manor  of  Langton  also  appears  in  the  thirteenth  century 
apparently  as  a  reputed  manor  held  of  the  Lord  of  Greetham. 
Under  Edward  III.  John  of  Langton  is  lord  of  Langton  in  an 
assize  roll,  and  one  court  roll  at  least  remains  to  show  that  the 
Langtons  held  a  court  of  their  manor  of  Langton. 

Gilbert  of  Langton  and  Richard  his  brother  are  witnesses 
to  a  charter  of  1220,  and  from  this  Richard  it  would  appear 
that  the  line  of  Langton  went  on.  In  45  Henry  III.  John  of 
Langton  claimed  the  fifth  part  of  an  inheritance  of  lands  in 
Mumby  and  elsewhere  as  son  and  heir  of  Richard  of  Langton, 
whose  mother  was  Sara,  one  of  the  five  aunts  and  heirs  of 
Alice  of  Mumby.  These  Mumby  lands  descended  with  the 
family  of  Langton,  and  in  the  fourteenth  century  we  have  our 
Langtons  of  Langton  named  amongst  the  heirs  of  Mumby 
in  charter  and  inquest. 

From  thence  onwards  the  pedigree  goes,  supported  by  a 
sufficient  body  of  evidences.  The  visiting  heralds  enrolled 
with  more  or  less  accuracy  the  names  of  its  generations,  but 
history  has  no  great  business  with  the  house  of  Langton  of 
Langton.  The  Langtons  lived  on  and  by  their  land,  and 
kept  so  fast  a  hold  upon  it  that  parish  and  advowson  have 
never  departed  from  them,  and  it  will  be  observed  again  and 
again  that  these  tenacious  landowners  do  not  as  a  rule  make 
history.  That  Bennet  Langton  was  the  much  beloved  friend 
of  Doctor  Johnson  alone  makes  their  fame  general,  and  their 
most  famous  deed  was  a-doing  when  Bennet  Langton  and 
Topham  Beauclerk  roused  Johnson  with  their  knocking  and 
carried  away  the  doctor  in  the  early  morning  for  the  famous 
frisk  in  Covent  Garden. 

Bennet  Langton  of  Langton,  of  whom  it  was  said  he  was 
like  the  stork  on  one  leg  in  Raphael's  cartoon,  married  the 
countess  dowager  of  Rothes,  brought  up,  and  by  tradition 
spoiled,  three  sons  and  six  daughters,  and  died,  having  left 
behind  him  notes  of  certain  conversations  with  Doctor  Johnson, 


for  all  monument  of  abilities  from  which  his  disappointed 
friends  looked  for  something  heavier  and  less  interesting. 
His  picture  may  be  seen  in  this  present  volume  of  the  Ancestor. 
His  second  son  became  Massingberd  of  Gunby,  and  his  great- 
great-grandson  Bennet  Rothes  Langton  is  now  of  Langton 
Hall  with  sons  to  follow  him. 



In  1897  the  old  house  of  the  Wrottesleys 
took  fire  and  blazed  in  a  westerly  wind 
until  all  within  the  walls  was  burned  out. 
On  the  first  floor  were  the  charters  and 
muniments  of  a  family  which  has  lived  upon 
its  manor  of  Wrottesley  for  three  and  twenty 
generations,  and  of  these  nothing  could  be 
saved.  But  of  the  shrivelled  parchments 
and  grey  ash  of  papers  the  immortal  past  remains,  and  the 
work  of  a  son  of  the  house  has  now  put  the  Wrottesley  evi- 
dences beyond  the  malice  of  a  bonfire. 

The  history  which  General  Wrottesley  has  at  last  brought 
to  an  end  enables  us  to  add  Wrottesley  of  Wrottesley  to  our 
roll  of  the  oldest  families.1  Like  Langton  of  Langton,  Wrot- 
tesley can  show  his  manor  and  lands  of  Wrottesley  for  his  first 
evidence  of  family  antiquity.  This  Wrotelei  Robert  of  Stafford 
had  at  the  great  survey  and  gave  it  to  the  monks  of  Evesham 
by  a  deed  of  which  a  copy  remains,  a  deed  which  Eyton  calls 
a  priceless  document,  fortifying  history  and  helping  chronology 
with  its  long  list  of  witnesses. 

Until  the  disaster  by  fire  there  was  at  Wrottesley  a  deed 
which  begins  the  history  of  the  present  house  of  Wrottesley. 
By  it  Adam,  abbot  of  Evesham,  granted  Wrottesley  and 
Loynton  to  Simon  son  of  Robert  of  Coctune  or  Coughton. 
Eyton  assigned  to  this  deed  the  date  of  1163  or  1164.  Its 
witnesses  were  most  of  them  of  the  household  of  Richard  du 
Hommet,  the  constable  of  Normandy,  under  whom  in  Nor- 
mandy Bertram  de  Verdun,  head  of  the  house  of  Verdun,  held 

1  A  History  of  the  family  of  Wrottesley  of  Wrottesley,  co.  Stafford,  by  Major- 
General  the  Hon.  George  Wrottesley.  Reprinted  from  the  Genealogist. 
Exeter  :  Wm.  Pollard  &  Co.  (1903). 


his  lands,  and  from  these  Verduns  General  Wrottesley  derives 
his  race. 

For  the  beginning  of  the  house  of  Wrottesley  in  England 
we  go  further  into  the  history  of  Evesham  and  its  abbots. 
JEthelw'ine,  whose  race  is  in  his  name  and  whom  even  the 
Frenchmen  feared,  died  Abbot  of  Evesham  in  1077.  Followed 
him  a  brisk  young  clerk  from  Normandy  over  sea,  one  Walter, 
a  monk  of  Cerisy,  who  was  Lanfranc's  chaplain.  The  Eve- 
sham  chronicle,  under  the  hand  of  a  prior  of  King  John's  time, 
has  a  phrase  or  two  concerning  Walter  which  make  some 
picture  of  him.  We  read  that  Walter  came  young  to  his 
abbacy  and  that  in  worldly  affairs  he  was  less  prudent  than 
was  needful.  As  a  lord  of  land  he  refused  the  homage  of 
many  worthy  folk  who  had  held  under  JEthelwine,  and  gave 
their  lands  to  kinsfolk  of  his  own  who  had  followed  him  to 
his  fat  preferment.  Under  the  new  law  of  the  conqueror  the 
abbey  must  needs  find  spears  for  the  king's  host,  and  Walter 
was  careful  that  if  the  abbey  lands  fed  armed  men  they  should 
at  least  feed  those  of  his  own  blood. 

In  Warwickshire,  in  Gloucestershire  and  in  Worcestershire 
Walter  the  abbot  enfeoffed  Ralph  his  brother,  and  Ralph  is 
found  in  Domesday  Book. 

To  this  Ralph  succeeded  William  his  son  about  1129,  for 
a  William  and  Robert  his  brother  pay  fines  for  their  father's 
lands  in  Warwickshire  on  the  pipe  roll  of  3 1  Hen.  I.,  and 
General  Wrottesley  holds  that  we  have  here  the  succession  to 
the  fief  of  Ralph  the  abbot's  brother.  About  twenty  years 
later  two  brothers  appear,  one  Robert  of  Cocton  and  William 
his  brother,  being  witnesses  to  a  Warwickshire  grant  made  be- 
tween 1151  and  1158.  Here  Robert  is  the  elder,  and  a 
third  generation  appears  to  be  indicated.  From  William  the 
younger  of  these  brothers  the  line  of  the  Wrottesley  pedi- 
gree seems  clear,  for  he  is  the  William,  father  of  Simon  the 
feoffee  of  Wrottesley. 

Simon  seems  never  to  have  lived  at  Wrottesley.  Simon 
de  Verdun  is  found  as  a  witness  to  deeds  in  the  Kenilworth 
cartulary,  together  with  Bertram  de  Verdun  his  chief,  and  the 
suggestion  that  this  Simon  was  the  Wrottesley  ancestor  is 
borne  out  by  the  fact  that  William  of  Wrottesley,  son  of 
Simon,  is  sometimes  called  William  de  Verdun.  That  Simon 
who  had  Wrottesley  was  a  Verdun  is  shown  us  also  by  the 
arms  of  his  descendants,  whose  seals  bear  the  Verdun  fret. 


The  surname  of  Wrottesley  appears  in  the  next  genera- 
tion to  Simon,  whose  son  William,  succeeding  him  before 
1199,  has  surnames  at  his  choice,  being  called  at  various  dates 
William  of  Wrottesley,  William  de  Verdon  and  William  fitz 
Simon,  but  Coughton,  Verdon,  Simmons  and  the  like  are  dis- 
carded at  last,  and  Hugh  son  of  this  William  is  Hugh  of 
Wrottesley  and  Wrottesleys  all  who  follow  him  are. 

Hugh  of  Wrottesley,  first  of  the  name,  came  nigh  to  being 
the  last,  for  after  the  battle  fought  hard  by  the  abbey  of 
Evesham,  from  which  he  held  his  lands,  he  was  in  flight  with 
the  disinherited  enemies  of  the  king.  Good  fortune  however 
followed  Hugh.  He  came  safely  away  from  amongst  the 
spears  and  soon  afterwards  was  allowed  to  redeem  his  lands 
by  a  money  payment.  Within  three  years  of  Evesham  fight 
he  was  a  lawful  man  again  and  foreman  of  a  jury  to  boot. 
His  son  William  is  presented  to  us  first  in  the  roll  of  forest 
pleas  as  one  of  many  who  were  '  customary  malefactors  of 
venison,'  but  his  tide  of  Master,  borne  by  him  on  his  succes- 
sion to  his  lands,  seems  to  show  that  a  university  had  bred 
this  poacher.  William  is  a  knight,  as  his  father  was,  and  of 
his  knighting  at  Westminster  with  Edward  Prince  of  Wales 
.and  267  others  we  have  detailed  accounts.  General  Wrottes- 
ley has  preserved  a  drawing  of  his  seal  which  bears  that 
Verdun  fret  which  his  son's  marriage  was  to  exchange  for 
the  shield  of  Basset.  That  son  William  of  Wrottesley,  the 
third  of  the  name,  married  in  1313  Joan,  daughter  and  heir  of 
Roger  Basset,  a  grand-daughter  of  that  Roger,  the  baron  of 
Drayton,  who  had  been  slain  at  Evesham  fighting  beside  her 
husband's  grandfather  in  the  cause  of  Montfort  and  the 

William's  son  Hugh,  second  of  that  name,  is  the  ornament 
of  all  his  line.  He  would  have  gone  crusading  when  in  1334 
a  crusading  host  of  English  and  French  knights  had  been 
gathered.  King  Edward  was  taking  ship  and  King  Philip 
had  sworn  to  keep  his  banner  for  three  years  in  Syria,  but 
the  fleet  never  left  port  and  the  Christian  knights  were  not 
long  without  other  employment.  A  period  follows  in  which 
Sir  Hugh  is  dipped  in  the  suits  at  law  which  burdened  life 
in  his  time  for  the  landowner.  He  had  the  hearty  Stafford- 
shire ways  of  which  the  plea  rolls  tell  us  so  much,  and  his 
suits  with  his  cousins  the  Pertons  are  diversified  by  his  going 
with  many  men  behind  him  to  the  house  of  a  Perton,  whom 


he  beat  until  his  life  was  despaired  of.     This  duty  to  a  kins- 
man performed,  Sir  Hugh  raised   money  upon   a  mortgage 
and  took  his   whole   merry  company  with  him  to  the  wars 
in   Scotland,  where   he  was    one    of  those  who   before  the 
castle  of  Dunbar  came  early  and  late  and  found  black  Agnes 
at  the  gate.     The  next  year  gave  him  better  work.     In  1338 
he  crossed  with  the  king  to  Antwerp,  with  his  brother  and 
his  following.     He  seems  to  have  been  one  of  those  'good 
fellows  and  bold '  who  with  Mauny  took  the  castle  of  Thun 
1'Evesque  by  surprise,  and  his  grateful  king  gave  him  full 
pardon  for  the  death  of  cousin  John  of  Perton,  who  had  died 
of  his  trouncing.     With  his  pardon  in  his  pocket  Sir  Hugh 
came  home  to  Wrottesley  and  made  a  spirited  attempt  to 
collect  rents  there  upon  the  manor,  which  he  had  mortgaged 
to  his  father-in-law.     Failing  in  this  our  soldier  was  in  straits 
for  travelling  money,  but  that  was  not  long  lacking.     The 
king's  taxing  of  the  country's  wool  by  taking  one  sack  in  two 
had  filled  the  countryside  with  hidden  wool    sacks.     From 
amongst  the  Wrottesley  tenants  this  good  landlord  dragged  to 
light  27^-  sacks.     These  he  brought  to  Ipswich  and  smuggled 
abroad  without  paying  the  heavy  duty.     Thus  happily  carried 
over  to  the  wars  Sir  Hugh,    a   good    knight    in    the    field, 
might  snap  fingers  at  the  indignant  sheriffs  and  port-customers. 
He  followed  Messire  Gautier  de  Mauny,  and  where  Messire 
Gautier  was  there  were  ever  feats  of  arms  of  the  kind  which 
Froissart  loves  to  tell.     But  we  feel  that  General  Wrottesley, 
a  soldier  by  trade,  is  not  a  little  scandalized  by  actions  such 
as  that  before  Vannes,  when  the  English  earls  planted  their 
standards  in  the  ground    and  drew  back  to    encourage  the 
men  of  Vannes  to  sally  out  to  pluck   up  those  standards, 
which  thing  the  Frenchmen  were  not  slow  to  do,  advancing 
on  the  standards  and  leaving  their  town  gates  handsomely 
open  to  draw  a  counter  attack  in  which  the  Baron  of  Staf- 
ford was  taken  between  the  town  gates  and  the  outer  barrier. 
This  was  in  1342.    In  1343  Sir  Hugh  is  honoured  by  appear- 
ing as  the  subject  of  a  letter  from  the  pope  to  King  Edward. 
A  truce  had  been  made,  and  during  that  ill-kept  truce  Ralph 
de  Montfort  and  others  had   been   seized  in  their  beds  by 
an  English  child  of  sin  named  Hugh  de  Wrotelesse. 

At  Crecy  the  Black  Prince  was  followed,  according  to 
Froissart,  by  all  the  flower  of  the  English  knighthood. 
Amongst  these  knights  was  Sir  Hugh  of  Wrottesley,  and  two 


years  later  he  was  one  of  the  four  and  twenty  knights  who 
with  the  king  and  the  prince  first  buckled  the  garter  round 
their  legs.  In  1350  Sir  Hugh  and  his  fellow  knights  kept  the 
solemn  feast  of  the  garter,  clad  in  coats  of  russet  powdered  with 
green  garters,  with  garters  on  their  right  legs  and  mantles  on 
their  backs  having  the  shield  of  St.  George  upon  them.  At 
this  high  tide  of  his  fortunes  Sir  Hugh,  who  was  bearing  the 
arrears  of  less  fortunate  days,  was  able  to  bring  his  difficulties 
before  his  prince  and  obtained  a  quittance  under  the  privy 
seal  which  silenced  his  creditors  of  the  royal  exchequer.  The 
incident  of  the  wool  sacks  was  wiped  out  with  others,  royal 
grants  put  money  in  his  purse,  and  he  might  have  gone  far 
had  he  been  able  to  bridle  in  himself  the  ruffian  whom  we 
find  under  the  skin  of  most  of  these  Staffordshire  gentry. 

The  man  with  whom  the  new  garter-knight  first  fell  out 
was,  according  to  Staffordshire  custom,  his  kinsman  and  enemy. 
Philip  of  Lutteley,  sheriff  of  the  county,  was  husband  to 
Katherine,  a  sister  of  the  John  of  Perton  who  died  of  his 
hurts  after  Sir  Hugh's  affray  in  1338.  On  entering  upon  his 
shrievalty  Philip  gathered  his  men  to  wake  Sir  Hugh  by  night, 
to  collect  from  him  the  outstanding  crown  debts.  The  cam- 
paigner of  Crecy  was,  however,  a  badger  not  easily  surprised 
in  his  earth,  and  the  sheriff  met  him  at  daybreak  on  Dunstone 
Heath,  with  his  Crecy  men  at  his  back.  The  sheriff  and  his 
clerk  went  down  together,  Philip  being  struck  through  the 
heart  with  a  Cologne  sword. 

It  was  long  before  the  law  stirred  itself  in  the  case.  Man- 
slaying  in  Staffordshire  was  not  so  rare  a  matter  that  the 
officers  of  the  crown  must  hasten  to  see  justice  done.  But  in 
Easter  term  two  widows  of  the  slain  men  appealed  in  the 
court  of  King's  Bench,  and  unluckily  for  the  garter-knight  the 
chief  justice  was  a  neighbour  and  kinsman  of  the  dead  sheriff,  and 
moreover  a  Staffordshire  Ahab  whose  broad  lands  had  hungry 
borders.  Sir  Hugh  prepared  for  flight  by  disposing  of  his 
personal  estate,  but  he  lingered  too  long  upon  his  lands  and 
was  taken  alive  to  the  Marshalsea. 

Before  all  prisons  Sir  Hugh  might  have  preferred  the 
Marshalsea,  for  the  marshal  was  none  other  than  his  old  leader 
Sir  Walter  Mauny.  After  six  weeks  of  restraint,  which  might 
pass  pleasantly  enough  in  telling  over  the  days  of  their  foreign 
raids,  Sir  Hugh  broke  his  lightly-barred  prison  and  hurried 
over  to  Brittany,  where  he  became  prisoner  again,  and  this 


time  to  the  French.  Now  he  was  in  pitiful  case.  If  a  prisoner 
would  eat  he  must  eat  at  his  own  cost.  Sir  Hugh  was  penni- 
less, and  his  captors  could  hardly  have  been  well  pleased  to 
find  that  the  garter-knight  in  their  hands  had  no  means  of 
calling  up  a  penny  for  his  ranson.  Had  he  broken  prison 
again  he  must  avoid  his  own  lands,  where  he  was  an  outlaw 
whom  the  law  might  hang  without  trial,  and  the  law  capable 
of  such  harshness  was  in  the  hands  of  Chief  Justice  Shareshull, 
whose  son-in-law's  two  uncles  owed  their  deaths  to  Sir  Hugh. 
But  this  ruffian  must  have  been  a  stout  soldier,  and  war  was  in 
the  air.  King  Edward  annulled  the  outlawry  in  1354,  and  in 
the  next  year  pardoned  him  comprehensively  for  the  deaths  of 
the  sheriff  and  another,  for  harbouring  murderers,  for  a  third 
slaying  and  for  any  poaching  in  the  royal  forests  of  which  he  might 
probably  be  guilty.  In  return  for  this  clemency  Sir  Hugh 
appeared  in  the  King's  Chancery  and  handsomely  agreed, 
under  a  recognizance,  not  to  molest  for  the  future  either  the 
Lutteleys  or  Pertons.  As  Sir  Hugh  was  presumably  at  work 
on  Poitiers  field,  the  king  himself  might  be  well  pleased  with 
the  peacemaking. 

Sir  Hugh  was  to  see  more  service  over  sea.  He  was  a 
banneret  in  the  king's  household  when  the  army  hard  by 
Chartres  met  that  great  storm  of  1359  whose  hailstones  slew 
men  and  horses,  the  storm  which  made  men  deem  the  end  of 
the  age  at  hand.  In  1363  he  was  at  home  again.  His  de- 
scendant, General  Wrottesley,  being  ware  of  his  habits,  suspects 
him  of  the  deaths  of  three  Staffordshire  men  in  a  matter 
arising  out  of  the  old  Perton  feud,  but  in  1366  he  was  away 
to  fight  at  Najara  the  next  year.  This  was  his  last  campaign, 
and  he  came  back  to  Staffordshire  where  some  new  feuds  with 
his  neighbours  the  Peshalls  brightened  the  last  years  of  the 
old  warrior.  A  new  picture  of  the  amenities  of  Staffordshire 
shows  us  Sir  Adam  of  Peshall  riding  home  from  the  crowning 
of  King  Richard  II.  in  mortal  fear  of  Sir  Hugh  of  Wrottesley, 
who  was  laying  ambushes  of  armed  men  along  the  high  roads 
in  order  to  kill  and  murder  the  said  Adam.  Yet  the  Peshalls 
were  keener  in  feud  than  the  Pertons,  for  Sir  Hugh  himself 
admits  that  they  chased  his  men  from  Albrighton  to  Wrottes- 
ley, crying  tuez  les  larons  de  Wrottesleye^  and  praying  aloud  to 
God  that  old  Sir  Hugh  might  be  there  so  that  they  could 
make  an  end  of  him.  How  a  following  was  raised  for  these 
frays  is  seen  in  the  story  of  William  Godyngton,  who  failed 


to  turn  out  in  his  harness  against  Sir  Hugh.  For  punishing 
such  unneighbourly  slothfulness  the  young  Peshalls  came  to 
Godyngton's  house  and  ravished  his  daughter. 

After  all  these  ridings  and  slayings  at  home  and  abroad 
Sir  Hugh  died  in  1381  tucked  up  in  his  own  bed  at  Wrottes- 

Sir  Hugh  is  followed  by  fighting  men  sprung  from  him. 
His  great-grandson  Sir  Walter  was,  as  his  tombstone  in  the 
Grey  Friars  told,  strenuus  in  armis  cum  comite  PFarwiri,  and  was 
left  after  Warwick's  death  in  the  awkward  position  of  holding 
Calais  for  a  broken  faction.  Richard,  son  of  Sir  Walter,  had 
one  of  those  curious  Tudor  licences  to  remain  covered  in  his 
sovereign's  presence,  which,  granted  for  some  *  diseases  and 
infirmities  in  the  hed,'  have  been  magnified  by  the  descendants 
of  more  than  one  of  the  grantees  to  be  grants  of  the  heredi- 
tary right  to  come  to  court  with  the  hat  on. 

The  part  played  by  the  Wrottesley  of  the  day  in  the  great 
civil  war  was  a  feeble  one.  Sir  Walter  Wrottesley,  the  first 
baronet,  had  his  estate  sequestered,  yet  his  most  open  act 
against  the  parliament  was  but  the  sending  of  a  horse  to 
Prince  Maurice,  when  'he  durst  do  no  other,'  but  the  old 
Staffordshire  spirit  seems  to  have  burnt  out.  The  very  family 
feud — at  this  time  with  the  Levesons — shows  itself  in  little 
more  than  hard  words,  Mr.  Thomas  Leveson  calling  Walter 
Wrottesley  fool  and  knave,  and  Wrottesley  countering  him  by 
sending  private  word  to  the  authorities  that  Leveson  was  '  going 
to  France  to  breed  up  his  son  in  Popery.'  The  baronetcy,  be 
it  said,  was  won  by  no  services  in  field  or  council  but  was 
frankly  bought  and  sold  for  some  £300. 

The  ninth  baronet  added  a  new  tide  to  the  old  family 
honours.  Sir  John  Wrottesley,  born  in  1771,  was  bred  a 
soldier  and  served  in  Flanders  in  1793.  He  ^  the  army  to  be 
a  country  gentleman,  a  banker,  a  politician  and  a  political 
economist.  His  patent  of  a  peerage  was  given  him  by  Lord 
Melbourne  in  1838.  The  second  lord  was  a  lawyer  and 
astronomer,  and  sat  in  the  president's  chair  of  the  Royal 
Society.  Of  his  five  sons  each  one  was  a  soldier,  and  two 
died  in  the  field,  one  in  the  Kaffir  war  of  1852  and  one  at  the 
siege  of  Bomarsund.  To  his  third  son,  a  distinguished  officer 
of  engineers,  we  owe  the  history  of  the  family,  and  a  mass  of 
printed  and  edited  records  which  will  make  the  task  of  the 
future  historians  of  Staffordshire  an  enviable  one.  His  nephew, 


the  present  Lord  Wrottesley,  is  Wrottesley  of  Wrottesley, 
twenty-second  in  the  male  line  from  Simon  who  had  Wrottes- 
ley under  King  Henry  II.,  and  the  heir  male  of  a  knight 
founder  of  the  Garter. 

O.  B. 


Under  this  beading  the  Ancestor  will  call  the  attention  of  press 
and  public  to  much  curious  lore  concerning  genealogy,  heraldry 
and  the  like  with  -which  our  magazines,  our  reviews  and  news- 
papers from  time  to  time  delight  us.  It  is  a  sign  of  awaken- 
ing interest  in  such  matters  that  the  subjects  with  which  the 
Ancestor  sets  itself  to  deal  are  becoming  Isss  and  less  the  sealed 
garden  of  a  few  workers.  But  upon  what  strange  food  the 
growing  appetite  for  popular  archeology  must  feed  will  be 
shown  in  the  columns  before  us.  Our  press,  the  best-informed 
and  the  most  widely  sympathetic  in  the  world,  which  watches 
its  record  of  science,  art  and  literature  with  a  jealous  eye,  still 
permits  itself,  in  this  little  corner  of  things,  to  be  victimized  by 
the  most  recklessly  furnished  information,  and  it  would  seem 
that  no  story  is  too  wildly  improbable  to  find  the  widest  cur- 
rency. It  is  no  criticism  for  attacking' s  sake  that  we  shall 
offer,  and  we  have  but  to  beg  the  distinguished  journals  from 
which  we  shall  draw  our  texts  for  comment  to  take  in  good 
part  what  is  offered  in  good  faith  and  good  humour. 

f  I  ^HAT  a  genealogical  myth  has  more  lives  than  pussy's  nine 
•  is  well  known  to  genealogists,  but  we  confess  that  we 
believed  in  our  editorial  vanity  that  the  legend  of  the  Gros- 
venors  and  of  their  descent  from  Gilbert  the  grand  huntsman, 
nephew  of  Hugh  Earl  of  Chester,  was  lying  scotched  by  our 
article  in  the  Ancestor  s  first  number.  But  we  undervalued  the 
forest  hardiness  of  Gilbert.  He  knocked  at  our  door  yester- 
day in  a  long  type-written  article  upon  '  the  Grosvenor  Family,' 
which  began  gallantly  with 

A.D.  876.      The  patriarch  of  the  Grosvenor  family  was    an    uncle  of 
Rollo  the  Dane,  and  accompanied  his  nephew  in  the  conquest  of  Normandy. 

'  Gilbert  le  Grosvenator '  soon  followed,  and  Robert  his  son  and 
Henry  his  grandson  and  Harry's  son  Raufe,  '  who  adhered  to 
the  cause  of  the  Empress  Maud.'  Our  would-be  contributor 
had  no  record  of  Raufe's  death,  but  that  record  is  not  of  the 
first  importance.  A  record  of  his  existence  upon  earth  is 
Raufe's  more  immediate  need.  Raufe's  son  Robert  was  in  the 



holy  wars  and  mentioned  in  despatches  for  his  conduct  at 
Messina,  Cyprus  and  the  siege  of  Acre.  '  We  know  little 
more  of  the  lives  of  these  early  Grosvenors  than  the  bare 
record  of  the  wars  in  which  they  took  part,'  says  our  author, 
with  a  measure  of  truth,  for  we  have  indeed  the  record  of 
the  wars,  and  it  is  certainly  a  fact  that  they  are  sterile  of  details 
which  should  illustrate  Gilbert's  line. 

*  *  * 

The  following  letter  from  Lady  Russell  of  Killowen  has 
been  addressed  to  the  editor  of  the  Pilot.  We  reproduce  it 
here  as  it  concerns  our  Ancestor,  together  with  a  letter  which 
has  been  addressed  by  us  in  answer. 


SIR, — In  an  article  entitled  '  Quarterlies,'  which  appears  in  your  issue  of 
22nd  inst.,  the  writer,  speaking  of  what  he  calls  'Armorial  Scandals,'  proceeds 
to  say  that  '  only  a  few  years  ago  Lord  Russell  of  Killowen,  an  Irishman  with- 
out even  a  tradition  of  English  ancestry,  was  granted  the  arms  and  crest  of 
the  Russell  Dukes  of  Bedford.'  I  beg  to  say  that  Lord  Russell  did  not 
receive  a  '  grant,'  but  a  confirmation  of  the  arms  and  crest  which  had  been  used 
by  his  family  for  generations. 

In  proof  of  this,  we  have  an  old  Irish  chalice  bearing  the  date  1 640,  on 
which  are  engraved  the  names  of  George  Russell  of  Rathmullen  and  Maria 
Taaffe  his  wife,  with  the  arms  of  Russell  and  of  Taaffe,  the  former  being 
exactly  the  same  as  the  Bedford  arms. 

According  to  Burke,  the  Russells  of  the  County  of  Down  were  originally 
Anglo-Normans,  the  founder  of  the  family  (one  of  the  Kingston-Russells, 
from  whom  the  Dukes  of  Bedford  are  also  descended)  having  come  to  Ireland 
with  De  Courcy  in  the  reign  of  Henry  II. 

The  Russells  of  Killough  or  Killoe,  in  the  County  of  Down,  were  Barons 
of  Ulster  long  before  the  Kingston-Russells  became  Earls  of  Bedford.  Richard 
Russell  was  Chief  Justiciary  of  Ulster  in  1385.  I  hope  you  will  correct  this 


24  August,  1903. 

SIR, — As  the  writer  of  your  review  of  the  quarterlies  relied  upon  an 
article  in  the  Ancestor  for  support  of  his  statement  concerning  the  arms  of 
Russell  of  Killowen  and  the  '  armorial  scandal '  consequent  upon  them,  it 
were  well  that  Lady  Russell's  denial  of  the  facts  should  be  taken  up  by  me, 
the  first  offender. 

Concerning  the  grant  of  arms,  which  Lady  Russell  prefers  to  call  a  confir- 
mation, I  shall  still  prefer  my  own  word  until  Lady  Russell  can  assure  me  that 
the  arms  of  Russell  of  Bedford,  plus  a  green  border  engrailed,  have  been  in  use 
in  the  late  Lord  Russell's  family  '  for  generations '  and,  more  especially,  for 
the  generations  immediately  before  him.  Her  own  letter  only  tells  us  that  a 


George  Russell  of  Rathmullen  was  in  1 640  using  the  shield  of  the  Duke  of 
Bedford  without  even  the  modest  difference  of  a  border,  and  it  does  not  tell 
us  that  the  Russells  of  Killowen  have  established  and  registered  any  descent 
from  this  impudent  person.  If  they  have  done  so,  the  blame  for  their 
personal  share  in  the  assumption  is  shifted  to  the  shoulders  of  George  Russell, 
who  was  certainly  using  arms  which  did  not  belong  to  him.  The  'armorial 
scandal ' — and  the  heading  under  which  you  print  Lady  Russell's  letter  may 
well  be  allowed  to  stand — lies  then  at  the  official  door  from  which  issued 
this  precious  grant  or  confirmation. 

But  even  if  we  accept  every  or  nearly  every  point  of  Lady  Russell's  letter, 
the  position  of  a  review  which  refuses  to  accept  Lord  Russell's  arms  as  any- 
thing but  an  armorial  scandal  will  yet  remain  unchallenged.  Let  us  allow 
that  Lord  Russell  was  descended  from  George  of  Rathmullen  who  used  the 
Duke  of  Bedford's  arms  ;  let  us,  without  asking  one  whit  of  proof  for  so 
magnificent  a  pedigree,  allow  George  to  be  a  descendant  of  the  Russells  of 
Killough  '  who  were  barons  of  Ulster  long  before '  the  Duke  of  Bedford's 
family  came  by  a  title.  Let  us  admit,  without  understanding  what  it  may 
concern  our  enquiry,  that  a  bearer  of  this  very  common  surname  was  Chief 
Justiciary  of  Ulster  in  1385.  And  last  of  all  let  us  admit,  without  a  shadow 
of  reason  for  the  belief,  that  all  Russells  in  County  Down  '  were  originally 
Anglo-Normans,  the  founder  of  the  family  (one  of  the  Kingston-Russells, 
from  whom  the  Dukes  of  Bedford  are  also  descended)  having  come  to  Ireland 
with  De  Courcy  in  the  reign  of  Henry  II.' 

Admitted  all  these  pleasant  unlikelihoods,  the  case  for  Lord  Russell's  arms 
is  then  finally  disposed  of ;  Killowen  is  left  without  lion  or  scallop  shell. 
For  the  Duke  of  Bedford's  pedigree  from  the  Russells  of  Kingston-Russell  b 
as  impudent  in  its  way  as  any  assumption  of  arms  by  poor  George  Russell  of 
Rathmullen.  It  is,  in  the  language  of  Mr.  J.  Horace  Round,  who  is  always 
so  very  harsh  with  such  toys,  an  '  egregious  imposture,"  or  in  the  milder 
language  of  Sanford  and  Townsend,  which  might  be  applied  to  the  Irish 
pedigree  from  De  Courcy's  companion  in  arms,  it  'lacks  nothing  except 
historic  proof.' 

The  arms  used  by  George  of  Rathmullen  and  granted  to  Lord  Russell  of 
Killowen  with  an  inconsiderable  difference  are  those  of  the  Bedford  Russells, 
whose  earliest  known  ancestor  is  Henry  Russell  of  Weymouth,  burgess  of 
Weymouth  in  1425  and  part  owner  of  a  '  barge '  called  the  James  of  Wey- 
mouth in  1445.  They  appear  first  in  the  great  governing  house  sprung  from 
this  Henry,  and  if  we  follow  the  ancient  laws  of  arms  the  Duke  of  Bedford 
alone  can  make  a  valid  grant  of  them. 

The  Russells  of  Killowen  claim  their  arms  as  the  descendants  of  Russell 
of  Kingston-Russell.  This  at  least  is  made  clear  by  Lady  Russell's  letter. 
From  that  family,  we  believe,  they  have  as  yet  established  no  descent,  nor  is  it 
remotely  probable  that  they  will  ever  be  able  to  follow  this  ancestral  pixy  path 
to  such  an  end.  But  when  they  claim  arms  as  the  descendants  of  the  Russells 
of  Kingston-Russell,  they  might  at  least  ascertain  what  arms  were  borne  by 
their  adopted  ancestors.  They  will  find  that  the  arms  of  their  adopted  ances- 
tors were  strangely  unlike  those  of  the  Dukes  of  Bedford,  whose  arms  date 
from  an  earlier  period  than  the  attempt  to  connect  their  family  with  an  early 
Norman  house. 



The  death  of  a  gentleman  of  ancient  family,  the  Rev. 
Richard  Dayrell,  rector  of  Lillingstone  Dayrell  near  Bucking- 
ham, was  noted  very  widely  by  the  press,  round  which  went 
this  curious  note  by  the  genealogical  journalist : — 

By  his  death  another  link  in  the  long  line  of  the  Dayrells  of  Lillingstone 
is  broken.  At  one  time  the  members  of  the  family  were  very  extensive  land- 
owners in  Bucks,  the  last  possessor  of  the  manor,  before  it  changed  hands, 
having  been  the  thirty-ninth  male  descendant  of  the  Elais  Dayrell  who 
flourished  there  about  1195.  The  Dayrell  pedigree  extends  back  to  the  time 
of  Richard  I.  Six  members  of  the  Dayrell  family  have  been  rectors  of 

A  link  in  the  long  line  of  the  Dayrells  of  Lillingstone 
Dayrell  can  hardly  be  said  to  be  broken  by  the  death  of  one 
who,  descended  from  a  younger  branch,  the  Dayrells  of  Shudy 
Camps,  was  but  a  seventh  cousin  of  the  Lillingston  family. 
The  great  antiquity  of  this  family  is  beyond  doubt,  but  the 
early  generations  of  its  pedigree  are  hardly  ascertained.  No 
claims  of  descent  from  '  Elais '  («V)  Dayrell  has  ever  before 
been  set  forth.  For  Elias  or  Ellis  Dayrell  is  supposed  to  have 
died  without  issue.  Even  if  we  allow  each  step  in  the  pedi- 
gree as  proved,  the  estimate  of  thirty-nine  generations  from 
1195  is  an  absurd  one.  Three  generations  to  a  century,  a 
liberal  allowance,  gives  us  twenty-one  generations,  which  will 
be  found  nearer  the  truth  than  the  thirty-nine  which  would 
suffice  to  carry  a  man's  ancestry  to  the  seventh  century. 

*          *          * 

We  have  spoken  before  of  the  curious  information  that 
is  almost  sure  to  be  elicited  by  interviewing  a  'celebrity  at 
home.'  Here,  for  instance,  is  a  delightful  story,  the  result  of 
such  an  interview  with  Lord  Norton.  The  subject  of  it  is 
Mr.  Gladstone's  thirst  for  extracting  information  from  every 

Meeting  Lord  Leigh  (Lord  Norton's  brother-in-law)  one  day  at  Hams, 
and  being  aware  that  he  possessed  some  fine  oaks  at  Stoneleigh,  he  asked  : 
'  Have  you  any  theory,  Lord  Leigh,  about  the  age  of  oaks  ? '  'I  have  several 
oaks  that  are  above  a  thousand  years  in  age,'  answered  Lord  Leigh.  '  And 
how  do  you  know  that  they  are  over  a  thousand  years  old  ? '  persisted  the 
ex-Premier.  '  Because  I  have  several  gospel-oaks,  and  the  old  Saxon  mission- 
aries preached  under  them  more  than  eight  hundred  years  ago,  and  they  are 
not  likely  to  have  chosen  young  oaks.'  '  That  is  good  sense,'  said  Gladstone. 

This  conversation  appears  to  belong  to  1895,  so  that  'old 
Saxon  missionaries,'  it  would  seem,  were  preaching  to  the 


benighted  heathen  of  Warwickshire  about  the  time  of  the 
Norman  Conquest.  We  had  always  imagined  that  Mr. 
Gladstone  was  recognized  as  a  great  authority  on  English 
Christianity,  but  we  doubt  if  even  his  '  good  sense '  will 
commend  itself  to  those  responsible  for  the  ecclesiastical 
section  in  the  Victoria  History  of  Warwickshire. 

*  »         * 

The  visit  of  the  '  Souvenir  Normand '  to  Hastings  a  few 
weeks  ago  was  the  occasion,  as  would  of  course  be  expected, 
of  search  being  made  in  the  neighbourhood  for  families  of 
Norman  descent — and  not  in  vain.  Not  only  a  local  organ 
of  the  press,  but  a  London  paper  of  prodigious  circulation 
announced  that  *  the  young  girls  in  Early  Victorian  costume ' 
provided  by  the  management  at  Battle  Abbey  were  *  all  of  old 
Norman  descent.'  It  was  enough  to  make  its  late  chatelaine^ 
the  Duchess  of  Cleveland,  turn  in  her  grave  when  the  pro- 
gramme revealed  that  among  them  were  bearers  of  the  Norman 
names  of  Ashton,  Harrison,  Crowther,  Boger,  Taylor,  Porter 
and  Fry.  For  even  the  phantom  Roll  of  Battle,  on  which 
she  worked  so  lovingly,  appears  to  have  unaccountably  omitted 
these  illustrious  surnames.  The  inclusion  of  a  daughter  of 
Lord  Brassey  was  only,  perhaps,  to  be  expected,  while  that  of 
a  Sackville  afforded  at  least  one  name  of  Norman  origin,  even 
though  the  ancient  family  which  bears  it  was  originally  called 
West,  a  name,  by  the  way,  which  attained  distinction  much 
earlier  than  its  simplicity  would  suggest. 

*  *         * 

Heraldic  criticism  is  invited  also  by  the  great  armorial 
windows  in  the  *  Abbots'  Hall '  at  Battle,  for  which  its  late 
owner,  the  Duchess  of  Cleveland,  was  responsible.  Her 
Grace  was  keenly  interested  in  heraldry  and  genealogy, 
witness  her  elaborate  work  on  { The  Battle  Abbey  Roll ' ;  but 
the  long  series  of  coats  recording  the  descent  and  alliances  of 
the  Vanes  challenges  comment  as  beginning  with  that  of 
Howell  ap  Vane,  followed  by  '  Vane  et  Powys.'  Genealogical 
research  has  not  as  yet  found  any  earlier  ancestor  for  the 
dukes,  earls,  viscounts  and  barons  of  the  name  of  Vane  or 
Fane  than  Harry  Vane  who  flourished  as  a  Kentish  yoeman  or 
husbandman  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.  His  noble  ancestors, 
princely  Welshmen  and  knights  of  high  deeds  in  the  fields  of 
France,  still  baffle  enquiry. 


Those  who  adopt,  as  we  do  in  the  series  of  '  Our  oldest 
families,'  descent  in  the  male  line  as  the  criterion  of  a  family's 
antiquity  are  sometimes  reproached  with  excluding  '  female 
descent.'  We  venture  to  think  that  the  Battle  '  show  '  is  a 
suggestive  comment  on  such  complaints.  What,  after  all,  do 
we  mean  when  we  speak  of  a  man's  family  ?  What  does  he 
mean  himself  when  he  says  '  My  family  came  over  with  the 
Conqueror  ? '  or  c  went  on  crusade  with  Cceur  de  Lion,'  or 
did  any  other  of  the  correct  things  that  one  would  wish  one's 
family  to  have  done  ?  One  assumes  that  he  is  speaking  of 
those  from  whom  he  descends  in  the  male  line.  But  he  may 
have  selected  out  of  all  the  families  from  which  he  descends 
through  females  one  particular  family  which  he  chooses  to 
represent  as  his  own.  On  what  ground  ?  Neither  the  adop- 
tion of  a  family's  name  nor  the  inheritance  of  its  property 
has  anything  to  do  with  the  matter.  A  man  may  'represent,' 
through  a  female,  a  family  without  either  bearing  its  name  or 
inheriting  any  of  its  estates  ;  and,  conversely,  he  may  take 
its  name  and  even  inherit  its  property  without  being  its  actual 
representative,  nay,  without  having  a  drop  of  its  blood  in  his 
veins.  Again,  therefore,  we  ask  which  is  a  man's  '  family  '  ? 
It  appears  to  us  that  if  once  we  abandon  the  clear  and  simple 
test  of  male  descent  we  are  lost  in  a  haze  of  speculation  as  to 
which  family,  among  the  myriad  from  which  he  is  descended, 
a  man  is  entitled  to  speak  of  as  being  his  own. 

The  collection  of  anecdotes  for  this  section  of  the  Ancestor 
has  been  for  this  quarter  at  least  an  anxious  task.  For  long 
the  prize  for  misrepresentation  seems  to  abide  with  the 
Ancestor,  in  the  pages  of  whose  last  volume  a  batch  of  hastily 
written  { copy '  was  straightened  into  good  sense  and  bad  his- 
tory by  our  excellent  printers — the  result  being  that  we  sent 
perjured  George  of  Clarence  childless  to  his  butt.  We  take 
this  opportunity  of  restoring  George's  orphans  to  their  rightful 
place  and  honours — Edward,  Earl  of  Warwick,  a  poor  thing 
who  could  not  say  us  nay,  and  Salisbury's  countess 

.  .  .  who  would  not  die 
As  a  proud  dame  should  do,  courteously. 

We  do  so  the  more  easily,  as  a  great  daily  newspaper  has  dis- 
placed us  from  our  bad  eminence. 


It  comes  in  an  article  upon '  Amesbury  and  Stonehenge,'  this 
trouvaille  of  the  year's  third  quarter,  and  never  have  we  known 
history  more  boldly  handled.  The  nuns  of  Amesbury  '  mon- 
astery '  are  the  text  upon  which  the  story  of  the  suppression 
of  the  monasteries  is  re-told  with  lush  detail  from  evidences 
unfamiliar  to  Froude  and  to  the  Benedictine  historian  whose 
business  it  is  to  explain  to  us  that  King  Henry  VIII. 's  char- 
acter was  no  better  than  that  of  Monsieur  Combes. 

Amesbury,  it  would  seem,  alone  amongst  the  religious 
houses,  survived  '  the  wrath  of  the  despotic  king.'  Edward 
VI.  spared  it,  and  Elizabeth  and  James  let  it  flourish  undis- 
turbed. In  Dugdale's  day  it  was  still  in  being,  and  had  he 
but  known  it  the  author  of  the  Monasticon  might  have  studied 
the  usages  of  convents  in  an  existing  example  rather  than  in 
ruined  choirs  and  cloisters.  Then  came  King  Charles,  and 
'  Oliver  Cromwell's  hour.' 

That  of  course  ended  it,  but  not  so  easily. 

The  last  Prioress  utterly  refused  to  surrender,  and  the  Protector's  agents 
had  to  admit  that  '  the  many  ways  of  our  poor  wits  .  .  .  could  not  by  any 
persuasion  bring  her  to  any  conformity.' 

But  the  Prioress  died,  still  loyal  to  her  King,  and  doubtless  then  the 
Abbey  was  cast  on  that  scrap  heap  of  the  lovely  past  in  which  Cromwell 

We  know  how  loyalty  to  King  Charles  the  martyr  was 
ill-requited  at  the  restoration,  and  King  Charles  II.,  his  merri- 
ment unmoved  by  the  death  of  the  loyal  prioress,  '  doubtless ' 
left  the  abbey  on  the  scrap-heap  of  the  lovely  past.  Otherwise 
it  would  be  flourishing  to-day,  and  that  we  cannot  well  be- 
lieve, for  we  have  visited  Amesbury  and  seen  nothing  of  abbey 

or  scrap-heap. 

»          *          « 

In  a  parallel  column  of  the  same  journal  we  have  Mr. 
Andrew  Lang,  an  Ancestor  contributor  in  his  day,  protesting 
that  the  education  of  journalists  is  a  pressing  need.  "  At 
present  any  person  who  can  read  and  write  may  become  a 
journalist  if  he  can  induce  editors  to  accept  his  contributions," 
a  sentence  which  at  first  sight  would  appear  to  be  written  in 
jealousy  of  a  brother  historian,  but  that  of  course  cannot  be. 




Ermine  two  crossed  battle-axes  sable.     MAYDYSTON.    Myddyl- 


Azure  a  cheveron  ermine  engrailed  between  three  escallops 
silver  with  three  roundels  gules  on  the  cheveron.  JAF- 
FEREY  GOODLUK.  Lyticoll  chyre. 

Ermine  a  chief  sable  indented,  the  three  points  in  the  chief 
being  flowered.  ADAME  DOVYNT.  Sowtbereychyre. 

Sable  iij  eglys  of  syhyr  beke  and  fet  gowlys  with  a  chief  silver 
indented.  WYLYAM  STOKYS.  Eccex  cbyre. 

Party  indented  sable  and  ermine  with  a  cheveron  gowlys  frette 
ofgolde.  JOHN  MACWORTH.  Staffordcbyre. 

Gold  frette  of  gowlys  with  a  fesse  of  azure  indented  in  ermine. 
JOH'N  GRENE.  Torke  cbyre. 



Silver  a  chief  gules  indented  with  three  crosslets  fitchy  [silver]. 

JOHN  GARGRAWE.     Lancaster  cbyre. 
Silver  an  alaunde  [a  later  hand  has  added  or  taolfe]  sable  leaping 

with  a  collar  of  gold  about  the  neck.     JOHN  WOODZ. 

Kent  cbyre. 
Wert  a  saltire  silver  engrailed  between  four  crosslets  pyccbe 

[fitchy]  silver  with  a  fleur  de  lys  gold  upon  the  saltire. 

JOHN  DENYSSE.     Somersset  cbyre. 

Party  (gules)  and  (sable)  with  a  lion  (silver.  BILLERS).  Leycester 
cbyre.  [The  colours  and  name  are  added  in  a  later  hand.] 

Gules  a  voided  escutcheon  silver  with  a  bend  sabyll  ermyne. 
TOMAS  QUYXLEY.  Rycbemond  cbyre. 

Party  gules  and  silver  with  two  bars  countercoloured. 




Gules  a  chief  silver  battled.      WYLYAM   FOSTER  of  Derham 

Silver  a  chief  sable  with  two  lions'  heads  rased  of  gold.  GORGE 

STYDOLFE.     Sowsex  chyre. 
Gules  three  fleurs  de  lys  silver  with  a  chief  vair.     GORGE 

PALMYS.     Torkcbyre. 

Party  silver  and  gules  with  ij  bewerys  [beavers]  sylwyr  and 
gowlys  counter golorys.  TOMAS  BARNEWELL.  Sotherey  chyre. 

Party  cheveronwise,  the  point  gules  and  the  chief  party  gold 
and  azure.  [Blank]  de  Almayne. 

Sable  two  spotted  lebardys  of  sylvoyr  yn  her  kynde  leaping  saltire- 
wise.  [Blank]  de  Galeys. 



Gold  and  syhyr  berle  [burelly]  with  three  cheverons  sable  en- 
grailed. SIR  JOHN  HARPLEY.  Northfolkechyre. 

Silver  a  cheveron  sable  engrailed  between  three  griffons'  heads 
sable  rased.  SIR  ROBARDE  CHARLTON.  Wylchyre. 

Azure  three  demilions  ermine.  TOMAS  NEWMAN  [NEWENHAM]. 
Norbampton  cbyre. 

Party  silver  and  sable  a  boar  countercoloured.     TOMAS  BARE 

de  Calays 
Paly   silver   and   azure   the   lines    joggled    in    bend.     JOHN 


Sable  a  saltire  silver  with  the  ends  flowered  between  four  leo- 
pards gold.     WYLYAM  DE  AYNO.     Oxynford  cbyre. 



A  bend  engrailed  with  three  roundels  thereon.    [The  roundels 

are  probably  of  sable  ermined  with  silver.]  JOHN  THORNE- 

BERY  of  Sowthereych  .  .  . 
Gold  with  billets  [of  sable  ermined  with  silver]  and  a  dance 

sable.     WYLYAM  PERKYNYS  of  Barke  chyre. 
Three  gimel  bars  with  a  lion  over  all.     [FAYRFAX  in  a  later 

hand.]     Torke  chyre. 

SIR  JOHN  SANDRYS/>orte  argente  une  crosse  ragele  de  sabyll? 

SIR  EDWARDE  TROMPYNGTON  porte  aswre  deux  trompylys  dore 

sivme  de  crosselettys  de  memys. 
SIR  JOHN  HARPEDENE  porte  gowlys  une  molet  de  argent  a  v 

poyntys  perce  de  dore.2 

1  The  ends  of  the  cross  are  drawn  as  trunked. 

2  In  the  trick  a  martlet  is  shown  upon  the  gold. 


Lozengy  vert  and  ermine  with  a  lion  gules.     W.  WELLYS. 
Paly  silver  and  sable  with  a  cheveron  gules  and  a  crosslet  gold 

on  the  cheveron.     RYCHARDE  CURSUN. 
Ermine  two  bars  gules  with  three  scutcheons  of  gold  over  all. 


Silver  a  chief  sable  with  a  lion  countercoloured.     BORTON. 

[In  a  later  hand  TANNATT.] 
Sable  a  bend  battled  silver.     JOHN  MAYNSTON. 
Silver  a  fesse  sable  battled  on  both  sides  and  fretted  gules 

between  three  lions  passant  gules.    TOMAS  CODERYNGTON. 
Quarterly  ermine  and  gules  indented.     SIR  JOHN  CHYDYOCC. 
Party  indented  and    barry  silver  and  gules  countercoloured. 

A  fesse  silver  with  the  chief  green  and  the  foot  gold  and  a 

lion  gules  over  all.     SIR  WETYNGHAM. 



Gules  a  cross  checkered.     TOMAS  GLOWCESTYR. 

JOHN  BOROWHOPPE  forte  argent  une  cbeverone  de  Fraunce  [that 

is  to  say — silver  a  cheveron  azure  with  three  fleurs  de  lys 


WATYR  SKYRLOWE  porte  argent  une  croyse  de  sabyll pale  fece  seve. 
Barry  green  and  silver.     TOMAS  HERTTYLL. 
Gules  a  cheveron  silver  with  vj  gymelys  of  sabyll  [that  is — three 

gimel  bars].     JOHN  THROGMERTON. 
Paly  silver  and  vert.     TOMAS  LANGLEY. 

Silver  a  trivet  sable.     SIR  TOMAS  TREWET. 
Quarterly  azure  and  silver  indented.     NYCOLAS  POYNYS. 
Party  silver  and  gules  with  a  chief  sable   and  a  lion   passant 
gold  thereon.     JOHN  KERK.EBY. 

Silver  three  roses  gules  and  a  chief  gules  with  two  synettys 

[cygnets]  silver. 

Gold  three  leopards'  heads  sable.     JOHN  WALDYVE. 
Sable  three  pair  of  keys  silver.     RYCHARDE  MAK.ENEY. 



Party  and  cheveronny  azure  and  gules  countercoloured  with 
a  crosslet  fitchy  silver.  WYLYAM  TAWK.E.  Basyngestoke. 

JOHN  BLENKYNSOPPE  port  argent  unefese  de  sabyll  iij  garbys  [de 

Ermine  an  arblast  gules.     ARBLASTER. 

SIR  RYCHARD  MOLYNERYS  port  aseure  une  fer  de  molync  dore. 
SIR  TOMAS  lord  of  STRATFELD  port  argent  et  asewre  beurle  une 

hone  rampand  de  gowlys. 
SIR  RYCHARD  GETHEN  port  argent  une  cbeweron  de  aseure  iij 

corbews  de 

1  The  trick  gives  a  fleur  de  lys  on  the  fesse. 
*  The  trick  calls  the  birds  revenys  and  they  are  drawn  with  spread  wings. 



Azure  three  boars  of  silver.     MATHEWE  GOGH. 
Ermine  three  chessroolcs  gules.     HUMFREY  SMERT. 
Sable  a  cheveron  gules  between  three  lewcys  bedys  rasyd  of  silver. 

Gules  a  bend  ermine.     JOHN  WALWAYNE. 

Silver  a  chief  sable   with   a   lion   countercoloured.      TOMAS 


Bendy  gules   and   vert   with    a   cheveron    ermine.     ROBARD 

1  A  later  hand  has  added  the  name  TANNATT. 



Silver  a  trellis  of  three  pales  and  three  bars  of  sable  with  a 
chief  sable  and  three  mallets  of  silver  thereon. 

Gules  three  organs  gold.     The  armys  of  EWERST.' 

Gyronny  silver  and  gules  with  a  border  of  Cornwall.  FETZ 

Wen  ten  scaloppys  of  sylvyr.     THOMAS  THORLEY. 

Masonry  of  gules  mortared  with  gold  and  a  chief  sable  with  a 
demilion  gold. 

Silver  a  lion  porpull  with  a  forked  tail.     RYCHARDE  BALDYR- 


Gules  a  bend  vair  and  six  escallops  gold.     HARRY  WYLTON  of 


Two  crossed  bones.     NEWTON.' 
MAYSTER  STEWYN  OF  THE  SEE  berytb  asewre  ij  fecys  owndy  oj 

ermyne  and  no  more.     Torke  cbyre. 

Gold  and  purpull plomte.     MYDLAM  in  Coverdale. 

Sable  a  pale  engrailed  gold  between  six  crosses  formy  silver. 

[Silver]  a  quarter  gules  and  a  bend  azure  over  all  with  three 

golden  sheaves.4     LAWRANCE  FETTON. 

1  A  later  hand  gives  GRENFEILD  as   the  name.     The  shield  is  that  of 

'  The  shield  is  that  of  PEVERELL. 

3  A  later  hand  adds  Derb. 

4  The  quarter  and  the  colours  are  added  in  a  later  hand. 



Gules  three  voided  crosses  formy  and  botonny  gold  with  a 

chief  vairy  ermine  and  erminees.     RYCHARD  VERNEY.* 
Silver  a  cross  wavy  sable.     TOMAS  MOTFOUNT.* 
Party  ermine  and  gules  a  saltire  engrailed  countercoloured. 

Silver  a  lion  gules  with  three  hinder  parts,  one  passant,  one 
leaping  and  one  rampant.  [SHARiNOBURY.3] 

Azure  a  crowned  leopard  of  gold  sitting  with  two  bodies  and 
one  head  [NOTTINGHAM  3]. 

Gules  a  chief  indented  silver :  the  two  points  of  gules  and  one 
point  of  silver  being  each  flowered.  Over  all  is  a  fesse 
sable  cut  in  the  midst  by  the  silver  point.  BALLARD. 

1  A  later  hand  adds  co.  War. 
8  Or  MOTSOUNT.  3  In  a  later  hand. 


Ermine  a  chief  gules  indented  with  three  crowns  of  gold.    SIR 

ROGER  LECHE.    Lancaster  cbyre.1 
Sable  a  fleur  de   lys  silver  out  of  a  leopard's  head  of  gold 

reversed.     JOHN  MORLAY.     Lancaster  cbyre. 
Quarterly  gules  and  silver  with  a  cross  paty  countercoloured. 

[JOHN  HAIGHTON.     Cbesbrt] 

Gold  a  chief  gules  and  a  lion  vair  over  all.     LANGLEYE.     Staf- 
ford cbyre. 
Silver  two  crossed  burdens  sable,  the  forks  at  the  feet  gold. 

THOMAS  BURDON.     Derbam  cbyre. 
Quarterly  gules   and  azure  with  a  cross  paty  silver.     JOHN 

SowMERS.3     Sowtberey  cbyre* 

Silver  a  chief  gules  with  three  roses  set  fessewise  and  counter- 
coloured.     DAVY  MATH  EWE  of  Walys. 
Ermine  three  bars  oferminees.5     JAMYS  BEDFFORD.     Derbam 

Azure   with    a    flight    of  golden    arrows   points    downward. 

WYLYAM  OF  STRONDE.     Sowtberey  cbyre. 
Vert  an  escutcheon  silver  and  an  orle  of  martlets  silver.     SIR 

Silver  a  wolf  rampant    azure  with  a  sable   border   bezanty. 

MAYSTER  GYLBERD  KYMER.     Dorsset  cbyre. 
Gules  a  fesse  silver  flowered  on  both  sides.     JOHN  OF  CAVYLE. 

Howden  cbyre. 

Ermine  a  chief  of  gold  and  gules  quarterly.     JOHN  PECCAM. 
Gules  a  cross  vair.     ALYXAUNDYR  TWYER.     Holdyrnesse. 
Ermine  acinqfoil  sable.     JAMYS  FLOWRE.     Nortbamptone.  .  .  . 
Gules  a  millrind  cross  gold.     WYLYAM  MOUNSEWYS.     Holdyr- 
Party  sable  and  silver  cheveronwise  with  two  silver  cups  in  the 

chief.     [Blank]     Torkecbyre. 
Party  gules  and  silver  bendwise  with  three  roses  bendwise 

countercoloured  (MACKWILLIAMS")  de  Almayne. 

1  The  county  is  struck  out  by  a  later  hand. 
3   In  a  later  hand. 

3  Altered  from  Sowraerset. 

4  A  later  hand  gives  Norhamfton. 

5  That  is  of  sable  ermincd  with  silver.     Here  as  elsewhere  the  blazon  has 
no  separate  word  for  this  fur. 

8  In  a  later  hand. 




The  armys  of  WEST  [£WH  ERST  struck  out].     I  port  argent  une 

cbewerond  daunce  de  sabyll.     Sowsex  chyre. 
Quarterly  azure  and  silver  with  a  cross  formy  countercoloured 

and   a   leopard's  head  on  the   cross.     NYCOLAS  FERBY. 

Torke  chyre. 
Sable  three  running  leverers  or  greyhounds  silver  with  collars 

on  their  necks.     JOHN  MAULEVERER  of  Allyrton. 

Sable  a  cokkeofsyhyr.     TOMAS  GRENWOD.     Torke  chyre. 
ROBARDE  OTTYR  beryth  asewre  iij  ottrys  passaunt  of  gold.     Tork 

Silver  two  bars  gules  and  a  quarter  gules  with  a  trefoil  of  gold. 

WYLYAM  WYNSENT.     Derham  chvre. 

FIFTEENTH    CENTURY    ARMS          197 

Burelly   silver   and  gules  with   an    orle   of  martlets1    sable. 

MAYSTER  TOMAS  MORTON.     York  cbyre. 
Sable  a  lion  silver  armyd  «/  gowlys  with  a  forked  tail.     TOMAS 

WASTNEYS.     Notyngbam  cbyre. 
Silver  a  saltire  of  chains  sable  with  a  crescent  in   the  chief. 

MAYSTER  ELWETT.     Yorke  cbyre. 
Silver  a  bend  gules  engrailed  with  three  leopards'  heads  *  silver 

thereon.     MAYSTER  HARRY  BOLLTON.     Yorkecbyre. 
Gules  a  cheveron  silver  engrailed  between  three  hounds  silver 

sitting  on  their  hind  legs.     TOMAS  HOUNGATE.     Yorke- 
Ermine  a  saltire  sable  with  a  golden  ring  thereon  wrought  of  a 

chain  and  an  ermine  tail  within  the  ring.    HARRY  BARTON. 

SIR  TOMAS  GRENE  beryth  asewre  iij  bowckys  passaunt  of  golde. 

North  hamptoncbyre. 
Aberyth  syhyr  a  cbefe  entty  of  sabyll  yn  the  cbefe  a  lebard  passant 

of  gold.     [Blank]     Sowtbereycbyre.    • 
WYLYAM  OF  NAUTON    berytb  gold  iij   borys   of  sabyll  passaunt 

armyd  wf  syhyr.     Yorkcbyre. 
Ermine  a  chief  azure  with   three  lioncels  silver.     SIR  JOHN 

Sable  three  gauntlets  silver  showing  the  palms  and  fingers  of 

the  hands  within,  and  three  silver  rings  linked  in  one 

another  in  the  chief.     RYCHARD  BURTON. 
Gules  three  bends  gold.     The  Armys  of  Manchestyr. 
Silver  three  escallops  gules  bendwise  between  two  cotises  sable.1 

PYERSSE  DELAHAYE.     Yorkechyre. 

1    In  the  margin  the  birds  are  described  as  hethcockys. 

*   A  blazon  in  the  margin  describes  the  heads  as  rasyd. 

3   An  error  in  the  tricking  shows  the  escallops  as  upon  a  silver  bend. 


Gold  a  boar  sable  under  an  oaktree  vert  cut  off  above  the 

roots.     JOHN  CASSOUSE.     Soutberey. 

Azure  three  ploughs  silver.     TOMAS  SMETON.     Yorkcbyre. 
Gold  a  lion  gules.     HUMFREY  CHERLETON.     Yorkchyre. 
Silver  a  hart  rampant.     [Blank]     Yorkcbyre. 
Party  cheveronwise  gules  and  azure  with  three  golden  keys. 

MAYSTER  ROGER  KEYS.     Yorkchyre. 
Nine  pieces  gules  and  ermine.     DE  ALMAYNE.' 
Gyronny  ermine  and  sable.     [Blank]     York  chyre. 
Bendy  silver  and  gules  with  arched  lines.     LORD  VAN  KAPEI.L 

of  Almayne. 
"The  f eld  of  sabyll  with  three  mitres  of  gold.     Two  silver  gores 

or  gussets  from  the  sides  of  the  shield  cut  the  field  of 

gules  to  a  T  shape.     THE  BYSCHOPPE  OF  BRYGWATER. 
(The  felde]    of  gowlys  and  (syher  and  asure)  werre  (losange). 

(The    armys  of  WAKYRLEY)"    of  Almayne    (Northampton 

Silver  a  bend  sable  with  three  sets  of  three  linked  rings  of  gold. 

[HuBERK..3]     Leyscester  chyre. 
Quarterly  gold  and  azure  with  a  silver  falcon  over  all.     JOHN 

MYCHELGROWE.     Sousex  chyre. 
Silver  a  cross  gules  with  five  lioncels  of  silver.     COLWYLE. 

Sotherey  chyre. 
Azure  three  golden  lilies  out  of  leopards'  heads  of  gold.    LORD 

Party  sable   and   gold  bendwise.     HERE  VAN  APENZBERG  de 

Silver   a  bend   gules  with  three   round   brooches   of  silver. 

WYLYAM  ROSSELEYN.     Yorkchyre. 
Lozengy  gules  and  vair.      The  armys  O/"WAKERLEY. 
Barry  gold  and  gules.     SIR  WYLYAM  TRACY. 
Silver  three  bears'  heads  of  sable,  muzzled  and  cut  off  at  the 

neck.     SIR  RAYNOLD  DE  BERSON. 
Gold  a  patriarch's  cross  of  azure  set  upon  three  steps.     SIR 


1  This  appears  as  the  bearer's  name,  but  it  more  probably  is  meant  to 
describe  the  shield  as  a  German  one. 

*  The  name  and  the  words  in  brackets  have  been  struck  out.  The  trick 
is  vair  and  lozengy  after  a  confused  fashion  and  has  also  been  struck  through. 
It  is  repeated  more  correctly  seven  shields  further  on. 

3  In  a  later  hand. 

FIFTEENTH    CENTURY    ARMS        199 

[Traces  of  a  barry  field  of  gold  and  gules  (?)  and  a  silver  (?) 

lion  with  a  golden  crown.     Sir  Hewe  Morlay.1] 
Azure  three  elephants2  of  gold  standing  upon  golden  crowns. 

REX  ALYXAUNDRE  de  Almayne. 
Gules  three  cinqfoils  gold,  the  field  crusilly  gold.     RYCHARDE 

GRENE  of  Sowsex  cbyre. 
Gules  three  bars  of  silver  and  sable  gobony.    SIR  JOHN  BARRE 

of  Herfford  cbyre. 
Gold    three   bars   azure  with   a  bend   gules.     SIR  RYCHARD 

PENBRYGE  of  H erf  or d  cbyre. 
Party  ermyne  and  werty  the  green  with  gold  drops.     ROBARDE 

GRAYNDORE.     Gloucester  cbyre. 

Party   silver   and   azure   with   a   cheveron    gules   and    three 

leopards  gold  thereon.     THE  BYSCHOPE  OF  LYNCOLLNE. 

Silver  three  mallets  gules.     The  armys  of  CHEYPTON  MALETT. 

Somerset  cbyre. 

Green  a  monster3  rampant  silver.    MARCHES  STIRIE  de  Almayne. 
Silver  a  bend  gules  with  cotises  of  gules  and  three  pierced 
molets  on  the  bend.      SIR  JOHN  HAKE- 
LETT.     Somerset  cbyre. 

Party  azure  and  gold  with  an  eagle  counter- 
coloured.  LORD  OF  DEROLSEN  de  Al- 

[A  foreign  shield  which  is  meant,  doubtless, 
for  what  a  German  herald  would  term 
gules  and  silver   '  gespickelt.']      LORD 
OF  HUM  ME  de  Almayne. 
Gold  a  hound  rampant  silver,  sable  above  the 

waist.     [  ~\  de  Almayne. 

Party  saltirewise  azure  and  silver.4 
Gules  two  bars  sable  each  with  a  mate  of 

gules.6    Rex  Welmarie  d'Almaye. 
Barry  of  five  pieces  of  gold  indented  with 

azure.     An  aide  lord. 

Gules  six  martlets  silver.     TOMAS  CLARELL. 

1  The  shield  and  name  struck  out. 

1  The  elephants  are  drawn  as  wild  boars  but  with  fan-like  ears. 
'  This  monster  is  griffon-like  but  with  a  dragon's  head  and  a  bushier  tail 
than  belongs  to  a  lion. 

4  A  golden  leopard  in  the  chief  has  been  erased. 

8  The  mate  is  a  miz-maze  of  the  key  pattern  running  along  each  bar. 



Sable  a  cross  gold  between  four  fleurs  de  lys  silver.  RYCHARD 
OF  BANK,  of  Crawyn. 

Silver  three  cinqfoils  gules  with  a  quarter  gules  and  a  bend 
azure  over  all.  WYLYAM  DRYBY  of  Northfolk. 

Quarterly  gules  and  gold  with  an  engrailed  cross  counter- 
coloured.  JOHN  ERYTH  of  Kent  chyre. 

Gules  three  swords  of  azure  hiked  with  gold  and  stuck  in  a 
mount.  [  ]  REX  DE  of  Almayne. 

Azure  a  sagettary  of  golde.  KYNGE  STEVENE  that  lyth  at  Fevyr- 

Gold  two  berysfete  sable.1     COMES  DE  HOYA.     Hy  Almayne 

Azure  a  lion  barry  *  silver  and  gules  of  eight  pieces.  LANT 

Gules  a  fesse  vair  between  three  fleurs  de  lys  out  of  leopards' 

heads.     LORD  CANTLEY  of  aide  tyme  past. 

Silver  a  border  gold  and  azure  gobony.    THE  LORDE  PRISSONY. 
Azure  three  bears'  heads  silver  cut  off  at  the  neck  between 

two  flanches  or  voiders  of  silver  with   drops  of  gules. 


1  The  bear's  feet,  or  rather  legs,  are  side  by  side,  feet  upward. 
3  A  note  describes  the  lion  as  mbbone. 

FIFTEENTH    CENTURY    ARMS          201 

Azure  a  lion  ermine  with  a  golden  crown  and  a  forked  tail. 

Silver  three  axes  sable  w'  revyn  byll  bedys.  WYLYAM  CLYFFORD, 

Green  with  a  lion  gold.     SIR  JOHN  ROBSARD. 

Silver  three  forked  tails  of  lions  sable.     JOHN  PYNCHEBEK. 
Gules  a  quarter  sable  and  three  silver  lions'  paws  rased l  over 

all.     JOHN  BROWNE.     Lyncoll  cbyre . 
Azure    three    cheverons    silver.      SIR    TOMAS    LEWGENORE. 

Sowsex  cbyre. 
Silver  a  chief  azure  with  a  lion  gules  over  all.     SIR  WYLYAM 

SENTGORGE.     Cambryge  cbyre. 
Green  a  cheveron  gules  between  three  harts'  heads  gold  with 

three  pierced  molets  gold8    on  the  cheveron.      TOMAS 

HEWGEFORD.     Warrewyk  cbyre. 
Azure  a  gimel  bar  gold3  with  a  leopard  gold  in  the  chief. 

SIR  JOHN  TRAYGOSE.     Sowsex. 
Gold  three  eagles'  legs  [  ]  and  a  chief  indented  azure 

with  three  roundels  silver. 

*   A  note  to  the  trick  says  that  the  paws  should  be  recoppyd  and  not  rased. 
1  The  colours  of  the  molets  and  the  cheveron   have  probably   been  ex- 

changed in  error. 

3  Should  be  two  gimel  bars. 



Silver  a  fleur  de  lys  gules.     The  armys  of  FLORENCE. 

Sable  a  man's  foot  of  silver  cut  off  at  the  ancle.     TOMAS 

SHURLEY   [a  later  hand  adds  SHRIGLEY]   [Lancaster  cbyre 

struck  out].      Cheshire.1 

Silver  a  cross  of  four  ermine  tails.     [HuRLESTON.1     Cheshire.1'] 
Azure  three  hares,  their  heads   meeting  in  the    midst,  and 

having  one  ear  apiece  so  disposed  that  each  hare  seems  to 

have  two  ears.     [HAREWELLE/] 
Checkered  silver  and  sable  ermined  countercoloured  with  a 

cheveron  gold.     JOHN  SOURBY. 

Silver  a  saltire  sable  with  five  silver  swans.    WYLYAM  BOROWE. 
Party  gold  and  gules  with  a  lozenge  countercoloured. 
Azure  a  chief  gules  with  a  griffon  gold  over  all.     WARREWYK. 
le  herrawde. 

Sable  ermined  with  silver.  • 

Silver  with  drops  of  sable.2     [ROYDEN   HALL."] 
Gules  a  bend  silver  with  three  rye  erys  of  sabyll  thereon.     JOHN 
RYE.     [Derbeshire.1] 

1   In  a  later  hand. 

3  A  later  hand  had  scrawled  upon  this  shield  a  very  narrow  waved  chief 
of  gules. 


Azure  a  cheveron  gold  between  three  golden  pears.    RYCHARD 

Ermine  two  running  hounds  with  collars,  looking  backward, 

party  gules  and  sable. 

Sable  three  wolves  silver.     TOMAS  PALMER. 
The  armys  of  LONDON  beryth  gowlys  iiij  woyderys1  of  syher  a 

swerde  of  the  felde. 
The  army s  of  YORK.E  beryth  gowlys  iiij  lebarays  of  gold  passant  an 

crosse  w'  iiij  woyderys  of  sylver. 
The  armys  of  HWLL  beryth  of  assewre  iij  ciownys  of  gold  une 

deseus  lautyr. 

Ermine  a  cinqfoil  gules.     The  armys  of  LEYCESTER. 
Azure  a  cheveron  gold  with  three  escallops  gules  and  a  chief 

gules  with  a  lion  passant  silver. 

Ermyne  a  cinqfoil  ermyne?     The  armys  of  NOTYNGHAM. 
Party  gules  and  silver  with  a  dance  countercoloured.    [  ] 

Party  gules  and  sable  a   lion    silver  with    a   golden  crown. 


Silver  three  dolphins  sable.     SYMEON.     Leicester  cbyre. 

1  The  influence  of  the  early  heraldry  books  will  be  seen  in  this  curious  . 
attempt  to  describe  the  London  cross  of  St.  George  by  avoiding  the  straight- 
forward and  obvious  method. 

3  It  will  be  noted  that  here  as  elsewhere  the  same  word  is  used  for  each 
of  these  furs.  The  ermyne  of  the  cinqfoil  is  drawn  as  sable  ermined  with 

*  In  a  later  hand. 



Party  gold  and  sable  a  griffon  passant  gules.   ROY  DE  EGYPTE. 

Azure  three  arms  harnessed  in  silver  armour  joined  at  the 
shoulder  and  brandishing  silver  swords  [OWEN  AP  EDWYN 
Prince  of  INGELFEILDE  mistaken  for  the  be  3  bosen  con- 
joynedl~\.  Out  of  its  place  in  the  page  we  find  this  blazon : 
A  beryib  iij  army 3  barney  syd  w'  iij  swerdys  combattant  joynand 
sayland*  asewre  and  sylwyr. 

ENGLAND  dimidiated  with  azure  three  hulls  of  gold.  The 
armys  of  the  v  portys. 

Azure  a  lion  gold  and  over  it  a  fesse  of  gules  with  three  fleurs 

de  lys  silver.     ROY  DE  FRESLANDE. 
A  shield  of  the   MORTIMER  fashion  in  sable  and  gold,  the 

escutcheon  being  of  gules  with  two  bars  ermine.  [BURGHE. 


Silver  two  eagles'  feet  of  gold  the  feathers  of  each  rising  up- 
ward as  an  eagle's  wing  of  sable. 

1   In  a  later  hand. 

8  Say  land  is  a  good  word  which  suggests  that  we  may  conveniently  blazon 
such  shields  as  that  of  the  Kingdom  of  Man  as  three  arras  joined  in  millsail 


Azure  bezanty  with  a  lion  gold. 

Silver  a  broken  cheveron  sable  (for  whose  form  see  the  shield 

above)   between    three   pomelled   crosslets   fitchy.1      SIR 

Azure  six  roundels  silver  and  a  chief  gold  with  a  demi-lion 

gules.       [GREENE.2] 

Party  gold  and  azure  cheveronwise  engrailed  with  an  eagle  sable 

in  the  chief. 
Sable  three  bearded  heads  of  silver  with  crowns  of  gold.     SIR 

Party  azure  and  gold  cheveronwise  with  six  golden  crosses 

paty  in  the  chief.     SIR  JOHN  WYLSCHYRE. 

1  A  note  below  says  tbys  ys  the  trew  armys  as  hyt  sckulde  be  u/  the  iij.  .  .  . 
a  In  a  later  hand. 



Nine  pieces  sable  and  silver  with  four  martlets  sable. 

Party  azure  and  gold  cheveronwise  and  battled  with  two 

martlets  gold  in  the  chief.  PYERSSE  BERCHYER. 
Party  sable  and  silver  cheveronwise  with  three  crescent 

countercoloured.     To  MAS  WASTNASSE. 

Party  gules  and  green  with  two  griffons  silver  facing  each 

other.     EDMOND  AP  MERYTH. 
Party  sable  and  silver  cheveronwise  with  three  bascinets  or  steel 

caps  countercoloured. 
Gules  a  cheveron  ermine  between  three  portcullises  ot  gold. 



Quarterly  silver  and  azure  with  a  cheveron  countercoloured. 


Party  sable  and  ermine  cheveronwise  engrailed.  JOHN 

Azure  a  bend  sable  and  in  the  upper  cantel  three  boys'  heads 
cut  off  at  the  neck  of  silver  with  golden  hair  having  each 
a  snake  about  the  neck,  and  in  the  lower  cantel  three 
golden  griffons'  heads  rased.  TOMAS  MADDOK. 

Party    saltirewise   ermine   and    checkered    gold    and    gules. 


Azure  three  winnowing  fanys  of  gold.     SEVAUNTE. 
Party  silver  and  sable  with  a  fleur  de  lys  countercoloured 

coming  out  of  a  golden  leopard's  head.    WATYR  WHYTE- 


1  In  a  later  hand. 



Azure  three  demi-horses  silver  running  one  under  the  other. 
[For  this  curious  shield  no  blazon  need  be  attempted.     The 

field  is  sable  and  the  charge  silver.     No  name  is  added 

and  the  shield  is  probably  foreign.] 
Party  gold  and  gules  a  lion  passant  silver.     SIR  RYCHARD 


Gules  three  battled  arches  with  towers  of  silver  on  either  side. 

Party  sable  and  silver  cheveronwise  with  three  griffons'  heads 

countercoloured  each  charged  with  a  crescent  silver  [but 

probably  countercoloured  also].     TOMAS  LYNDE. 
Azure  three  silver  perches  athwart  the  shield  in  the  manner 

of  bars,  each  with  a  silver  falcon  sitting  on  it.     JOHN 



Sable  a  cross  engrailed  silver  between  four  crescents  each  party 
gules  and  silver.  [BARNHAM.'] 

Silver  three  cheverons  gules  battled  on  both  sides  and  re- 

Party  silver  and  sable  cheveronwise  with  three  drops  counter- 

Party  sable  and  gules,  with  drops  of  gold,  a  cross  paty  fitchy 

silver.     MATHEWE  REED. 
Quarterly  ermine  and  sable  with  a  leopard  quarterly  sable  and 

Green  three  hands  of  silver  coming  out   of  flames  of  fire 

gules.       [KlLMAYNE.M 

Party  silver  and  sable  a  fesse  with  three  trefoils  in  the  chief 

all  countercoloured.     JOHN  MYCHELL. 
Gules  a  lion  checkered  sable  and  ermine  with  a  golden  crown. 

Party  sable  and  ermine  cheveronwise  with  two  pierced  molets 

silver  in  the  chief.     JOHN  SELBY. 
Party   green  and  azure  indented  with   three   silver  trefoils. 


1  In  a  later  hand. 


Sable  a  fesse  silver  battled  on  both  sides  between  three  leo- 
pards' heads  gold.  GYLYS  BRABAN. 

Gules  three  silver  charges  fashioned  like  piles  with  a  chief 
party  ermine  and  azure  indented.  ROBARD  OF  SETON. 

Party  gules  and  gold  cheveronwise  with  two  cinqfoils  gold  in 
the  chief. 

Silver  a  fesse  gules  between  three  moorcocks  (?)  sable  with 
three  pierced  molets  sable  on  the  fesse.  WYLYAM 


Sable  three  shields  of  silver.     JOHN  MORRSBE. 

Gold  three  Danish  axes  sable.     ROY  DE  NORWAYE. 

Silver  three  boars'  heads  sable  cut  off  at  the  neck.     TOMAS 


Azure  a  lion  silver,  the  field  flowered  with    silver.     [JOHN 

Party  gold  and  green  with  a  millrind  cross  gules.    SIR  ALEYNE 


Azure  a  sun  gold.     JOHN  SENK.LERE. 
Gules  a  dance  and  six  crosslets  of  silver.     TOMAS  LONGE- 

Sable  a  fesse  silver  between  three  fleurs  de  lys  silver  with  three 

pierced  molets  sable  on  the  fesse.     WYLYAM  KYRYELL. 
Gules  three  battled  bars  silver.     RYCHARD  WHYTHORSSE. 
Gold  two  bends  azure  and  a  chief  azure  with  two  martlets 

gold.     JOHN  BROMEHYLL. 

Party  silver  and  gules  cheveronwise  with  a  cheveron  counter- 
coloured.     TOMAS  FYSELYS. 
Party  azure   and   gules   with    three   lions    silver.     RICHARD 

Party  gules  and  silver  cheveronwise  with  a  fleur  de  lys  sable  in 

the  foot. 
Silver  with  drops  of  sable  and  a  chief  azure  with  three  golden 

crowns.     JOHN  KYNGTON. 
Sable  three  spoons  of  gold.     JOHN  SPONELEY. 
[  ]  a  cheveron  gules  between  three  scythe  blades  sable. 

Barry  silver  and  gules  of  six  pieces  a  chief  gold  with  a  lion 

passant  sable.     ROBARD  INGYRFFELD. 
Ermine  three  saltires  gules. 
Gold  two  corbies  sable.     TOMAS  CORBETT. 

1   Both  names  struck  out. 

FIFTEENTH    CENTURY    ARMS         211 

Gules  three  boys'  heads  cut  off  at  the  neck  of  silver  with 
golden  hair,  having  each  a  snake  azure  coiled  about  the 
neck.  [VAUGHAN.*] 

Silver  a  lion  gules  with  two  heads.     [MASSON.'] 
Sable  a  kettlehat  of  silver  between  three  dice  silver  each  with 
the  point  of  four.     JOHN  SOWYS. 

Party   azure   and    silver   cheveronwise   with   three    ostriches 

countercoloured.     ROBARD  OF  KYRTON. 
Ermine  a  fleur  de  lys    sable    ermined   with    silver.      JOHN 


Green  three  harts  silver.     TOMAS  TROLLOPPE. 

1  In  a  later  hand. 



Azure  three  lions  party  half  syhyr  and  gowfys.1     BART  HO  LO- 


Silver  iij  here  fete  sabyll  in  the  manner  of  a  mill  sail. 

Sable  a  pile  silver.     RYCHARDE  DYXTON. 

Gold  three  bolys  *  sable.     JOHN  BYLLYNGEDON. 

Gules  two  dances  silver  with  three  golden  cups  in  the  chief. 

Party  silver  and  sable  with  a  saltire  engrailed  countercoloured. 


Gold  a  saltire  azure  and  gules  vairy.     ROBARD  HYLLE. 
Green  three  arms  with  silver  sleeves  in  the  manner  of  a  mill 

sail,   the  hands  brandishing  golden   mallets,  and  in  the 

midst  a  leopard's  head  gold. 
Ermine  a  chief  gules  with  three  silver  hands.     JOHN  MALE- 


Silver  a  pale  azure  with  three  eagles  gold. 

Gules  a  fesse  vairy  of  sable  and  silver  between   three  boars 

heads  sable.     JOHN  LARDENER. 
Silver  a  cross  sable  with  five  Catherine  wheels  silver.     JOHN 

Gold   a  lion  sable  with  drops  of  gold.      SIR  JOHN  BROM- 

Silver   a   cheveron   between    three   spades   sable.      RYCHARD 

Azure  a  dance  silver  between   three  crowns  gules.     TOMAS 


1  It  will  be  seen  that  the  parting  line  follows  the  line  of  the   heads  and 
backs  of  the  lions  and  parts  the  tail  also. 

*  Three  long  boots  are  shown  in  the  trick. 

FIFTEENTH    CENTURY    ARMS         213 

Silver  a  cheveron  gules  between   three  fleurs  de  lys l  sable. 

Azure    a    cross    checkered    gold    and    gules.      SIR    ROBARD 

Sable  a  chief  silver  and  three  drops  countercoloured.     TOMAS 

Party  ermine   and   sable   with    a   cheveron   countercoloured. 


Gules  a  wyvern  or  dragon  silver.8     SIR  ROBARD  TRENTTE. 
Sable  three  rakes  gold.     JOHN  BROMLEY  [or  TROMLEY]. 
Party  gold  and  gules  a  lion  sable.     JOHN  PYRLEY. 
Sable  a  cross  gules  between  four  maidens'  heads  silver  cut  off 

at  the  neck.     SIR  RICHARD  KNYGHT. 
Gyronny  silver  and  sable  (of  eight  pieces)  and  a  quarter  gules 

with  a  cup  of  silver.     JOHN  STRETLEY. 
Silver  two  bars  green  with   nine  green  martlets  three,  three 

and  three.     RYCHARD  AYLEWARD. 
Sable  a  cheveron    between    three   pheons   silver   with    three 

pierced  molets  gold  on  the  cheveron.     JOHN  NEWPORT. 
Silver   a   cheveron    indented  sable  between  three  pineapples 


Sable  a  pale  gules  with  three  martlets  silver.     JOHN  SELOWE. 
Silver  a  Saracen's  head  gules  with  a  torse  about  the  temples 

and  a  chief  party  gold  and  azure.     JOHN  SELBY. 
Azure  two  dances  sable.     JOHN  METFORD. 
Azure  with  drops  of  gules  a  lion  silver.     SIR  TOMAS  BREWNE. 
Silver    a   bend   gules   with    three   harpies    silver.      WYLYAM 


Gules  a  lion  vair.     SIR  JOHN  EWERYNGHAM. 
Silver  a  lion  sable  billety  gold.     SIR  ROGER  DE  ASKEBY. 
Silver  a  cheveron  sable  between  three  (beaver's  feet  ?)  cut  off 

sable   with    a   golden    T   on   the    cheveron.     WYLYAM 


Party  azure  and  gules  a  lion  ermine.     SIR  JOHN  NORWYCH. 
Sable  a  cheveron  gules  with  golden  drops  between  three  cinq- 
foils  ermine.     TOMAS  WOODHOWSE. 
Silver  a  lion  azure  with  drops  of  gold.     SIR  JOHN  HAULOW. 

1  The  fleurs  de  lys  are  drawn  with  long  and  wavy  tails. 
3   In  a  later  hand. 

3  Called  a  dragon  in  the  margin.     The  distinction  between  dragons  and 
wyverns  comes  somewhat  late  in  the  history  of  blazon. 



Green  a  bend  gules  between  six  bulls'  heads  silver. 
Gules  bezanty  with  a  lion  silver.     SIR  NYCOLL  HEWYK. 
Sable  three  silver  lions  passant  bendwise  between  two  cotises 

engrailed  silver.     NYCOLAS  GARNET. 
Silver  billety  gules  with  a  lion  gules.     SIR  TOMAS  TWRBYR- 


Gules  a  chief  azure,  with  a  lion  gold  passant  in  the  gules  his 
forked  tail  spreading  into  the  chief.     SIR  ROBARD  HAS- 


Silver  a  lion  purple  powdered  with  voided  lozenges  of  gold. 


Gold  a  lion  azure  fretted  with  gold.     SIR  ROBARD  BOXHYLL. 
Burelly  silver  and  azure  with  three  lions  gules.     SIR  RAUF 

Gules  two  lions  passant  silver  within  a  double  tressure  flowered 

and  counterflowered  silver.     SIR  WYLYAM  FELTON. 
Sable  a  lion  silver  with  drops  of  silver.     SIR  JOHN  NEWYLE. 

Gules  three  bends  vair.     [BRAY.1] 

Silver  three  posnets  of  gules  and  a  sable  border  bezanty.     SIR 

Azure  six  arrows  gold.     [ARCHER.1] 

1  In  a  later  hand. 


Azure  crusilly  fitchy  gold  with    three   crescents   gold.     SIR 


Silver  a  pair  of  wings  gules.     SIR  TOMAS  FYTZ  PAYNE. 
Gules  billety  gold.     EDWARD  COWDREY. 

Party  sable  and  silver  bendwise  and  battled.     TOMAS  KOULAY. 
Gules  a  cheveron  silver  between  three  silver  tilting  helms. 

Gold  six  fleurs  de  lys  sable.     TOMAS  COSTANTYNE. 

(To  be  concluded.'} 




IN  19  Edw.  III.  1346,  a  'John  de  Swynnerton  '  was  serving 
in  the  army  in  France.  Among  the  Army  Miscellanea  of 
the  Exchequer  for  that  year  there  is  an  account  of  the  wages 
of  the  men-at-arms  and  others  in  the  retinue  of  Lord  James 
de  Audley  of  Helegh  Castle,  co.  Stafford,  with  Henry  de 
Lancaster,  the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Lancaster,  in  Gascony  and 
Guienne.  The  account  is  for  197  days,  from  26  April,  when 
they  started  from  the  castle  of  Helegh  (situated  four  or  five 
miles  from  Whitmore)  until  the  last  day  of  November  follow- 
ing, each  knight  receiving  2s.  per  diem^  each  squire  is.  and  each 
mounted  archer  6d.  In  the  list  of  squires  occurs  the  name  of 
*  John  de  Swynnerton,'  and  among  his  companions  we  find 
such  well-known  Whitmore  and  Newcastle  names  as  '  William 
de  Thiknes,'  '  John  de  Hinkele,'  '  John  de  Whitemore,' 
'Thomas  de  Whitemore,'  'John  de  Podmore,' '  Robert  de  But- 
ton '  of  Maer  near  Whitmore,  etc.1 

John  de  Swynnerton  reappears  in  26  Edw.  III.  1352,  when 
the  king  made  him  a  grant  of  two  parts  (a  moiety  in  short)  of 
the  manor  of  Sellyng,  which  had  belonged  to  Henry  fitz  Roger, 
deceased,  to  hold  until  the  full  age  of  the  heir.1 

He  is  probably  also  the  second  John  de  Swynnerton 
mentioned  in  the  following — 

By  writ  tested  at  Westminster,  4  August,  33  Edw.  III. 
1359,  John  de  Swynnerton  (as  commissioner  of  array),  John 
de  Stafford,  and  the  sheriff  of  Staffordshire,  are  ordered  to 
deliver  to  John  de  Swynnerton  forty  archers  mounted,  chosen 
from  the  county  of  Stafford,  to  be  by  him  conducted  to  Sand- 
wich on  the  Quinzaine  of  the  Assumption  of  the  B.V.M. 
next  ensuing  at  latest,  ready  to  serve  in  the  king's  retinue  at 
the  king's  expense.3 

The  first  John  de  Swynnerton  here  noted  was  John  de 
Swynnerton  of  Hilton,  who  was  employed  at  home  as  escheator 

1  Staff.  Coll.  viii.  25.  *  Ab.  Rot.  Orig.  ii.  222. 

3  Rym.  Teed.  tit.  pt.  I,  416. 


or  sheriff  or  commissioner  of  array  during  the  whole  of 
Edward's  wars,  and  who  saw  little  or  no  foreign  service.  The 
other  John  was  evidently  then  in  the  retinue  of  the  king. 

John  de  Swynnerton  died  some  time  before  Michaelmas, 
1362,  as  the  extract  following  shows — Michaelmas,  36  Edw. 
III.  London.  Joan,  formerly  wife  of  John  de  Swynnerton, 
and  John  Swyft,  Chaplain,  executors  of  the  will  of  John  de 
Swynnerton,  sued  Richard  de  Lichefeld  for  a  debt  of  £40. 
And  again — In  36  Edw.  III.  1362,  the  king  gave  to  Joan  who 
had  been  the  wife  of  John  de  Swynnerton,  deceased,  the 
custody  of  the  moiety  of  the  manor  of  Sellyng,  with  the 
appurtenances,  which  had  belonged  to  Henry  fitzRoger, 
deceased,  to  hold  until  the  full  age  of  the  heir.1 

It  is  not  at  all  easy  to  fix  this  John  de  Swynnerton  or  to 
find  him  a  place  in  the  pedigree.  The  pedigree  appended  to 
this  article  will  show  that  the  father  must  have  borne  the  name 
of  Roger,  and  the  following  considerations  render  it  probable, 
though  by  no  means  certain,  that  he  was  Sir  Roger  de  Swyn- 
nerton, knight  of  Swynnerton. 

The  two  Subsidy  Rolls  of  1327  and  1333  reveal  the  strik- 
ing fact,  that  all  those  persons  bearing  the  name  c  Swynnerton  ' 
at  that  time  in  co.  Stafford  were  near  kinsmen  of  Roger,  lord 
of  Swynnerton,  for  though  a  full  list  is  given  of  all  the  tenants, 
parish  by  parish,  who  were  assessed,  not  a  single  Swynnerton 
appears  among  them.  The  explanation  is  (as  General  Wrottes- 
ley  has  pointed  out  to  me)  that  Roger  de  Swynnerton  was  so 
constantly  engaged  in  personal  attendance  on  the  king,  in 
peace  and  war,  and  was  held  in  so  great  esteem  by  him,  that 
the  privilege  which  exempted  him  from  payment  exempted 
also  the  whole  of  his  Swynnerton  kinsmen.2 

The  following  references  out  of  many  will  serve  to  show 
the  position  filled  by  himself  and  his  sons  at  court. 

By  Edward  II.  he  was  made  successively  governor  of 
Harlech  Castle  in  Wales,3  governor  of  Eccleshall  Castle  during 
a  vacancy  in  the  bishopric  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield/  and 
constable  of  the  Tower  of  London,  in  which  capacity  he  pro- 
duced the  Mortimers,  then  in  his  custody,  before  the  judges 
at  Westminster  and  in  the  Tower,  on  the  Monday  and  Tues- 
day next  after  the  Feast  of  St.  Peter  ad  Vincula,  2  and  3 
August,  1322.' 

1  Ab.  Rot.  Orig.  ii.  270.  *  Staff  Coll.  vii.  pt.  I,  x.  pt.  I. 

»  Rot.  Orig.  14  Edw.  III.  roll  9  (ii.  255).       *  Parltamevtan  Writt.      *  Ibid. 


By  the  same  king,  on  2  November,  n  Edw.  II.  1317,  Sir 
Roger  de  Swynnerton  was  made  governor  of  the  king's  town  of 
Stafford,  to  hold  during  the  king's  pleasure,1  and  on  3  Novem- 
ber the  king  committed  to  him  the  superior  custody  of  the 
peace  in  co.  Stafford  to  do  and  to  exercise  those  things  which 
should  tend  to  the  fullest  preservation  of  the  same  peace,  as 
well  for  the  king's  honour  and  advantage  as  for  the  tranquillity 
of  the  people  of  those  parts.2  For  some  time  the  county  was 
really  under  martial  law,  Roger  de  Swynnerton,  then  the  most 
powerful  man  in  Staffordshire,exercising  almost  unlimited  control. 

He  was  also  on  special  service  on  the  person  of  Queen 
Isabel.  On  18  February,  i  Edw.  III.  1327,  Roger  Mortimer 
and  Isabel  being  then  in  the  plenitude  of  their  power,  letters 
patent  announced  that  the  king  (Edw.  III.)  had,  on  1 1  February 
last,  granted  to  Roger  de  Swynnerton  the  manors,  lands, 
etc.,  of  Hugh  le  Despencer  in  the  counties  of  Stafford  and 
Chester  to  support  his  dignity,  taking  into  consideration  the 
good  and  commendable  service  which  the  said  Roger  has  done 
for  Isabel,  Queen  of  England,  the  king's  mother,  and  for 
the  king,  etc.3 

This  grant  (really  a  confirmation)  must  have  been  the  act 
of  Isabel  herself.  Roger  de  Swynnerton  and  William  Trussell, 
who  as  proctor  of  the  estates  of  the  Realm  had  pronounced 
to  the  unfortunate  Edward  II.  his  deposition  in  Kenilworth 
Castle,  were  both  in  attendance  on  the  royal  party  as  followers 
of  Henry  of  Lancaster,  whose  honours  had  not  yet  been 
restored,  and  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  queen's  or  revolu- 
tionary party.  In  like  manner  also  the  following  : — 

In  2  Edw.  III.  1328-9 — Whereas  the  king  is  bound  to 
Roger  de  Swynnerton  in  the  sum  of  £24  165.  for  the  charges 
and  cost  expended  by  the  same  Roger  in  the  king's  service 
from  Marlebergh  unto  Sarum  and  from  thence  unto  Walyn- 
ford — the  king  has  assigned  him  the  aforesaid  £24  i6s.  to  be 
taken  from  the  issues  of  the  county  of  Stafford  by  the  hands 
of  the  sheriff  for  the  time  being — dated  at  Coventry,  2  January. 
And  by  writ  of  Privy  Seal  the  sheriff  is  charged  to  dis- 
burse, and  to  have  due  allowance  made  for  the  same  at  the 
king's  exchequer.4 

1  Patent  Rolls  u  Edw.  II.  m.  17.  *  Ibid. 

3  Rot.  Orig.  i.  301  ;  Rot.  Fin.  I  Edw.  III.  m.  27  ;  Letters  Patent,  I  Edw. 
III.  m.  19. 

4  Patent  Rolls  z  Edw.  III.  pt.  z,  m.  3. 


In  the  same  year,  being  then  a  banneret,  Sir  Roger  de 
Swynnerton  had  an  assignation  out  of  the  exchequer  of 
£145  13*.  8</.,  as  well  for  his  wages  of  war  in  that  expedition 
made  into  Scotland  in  i  Edw.  III.,  as  for  his  services  in  attend- 
ance on  Queen  Isabel  in  20  Edw.  II.1 

Again,  in  4  Edw.  III.  1330,  the  king  of  his  special  grace 
remits  and  pardons  to  his  beloved  and  faithful  Roger  de 
Swynnerton  all  kinds  of  accompts  by  him  due  to  the  king,  as 
well  for  the  time  during  which  he  had  the  custody  or  the 
Tower  of  London,  as  for  the  time  he  had  the  bailiwick  of  the 
Hundred  of  Totemandeslowe  in  co.  Stafford,  and  the  custody 
of  the  castle  and  manor  of  Eccleshall  during  the  voidance  of 
the  bishopric  of  Chester,  by  commission  of  the  Lord  Edward, 
late  King  of  England,  the  king's  father.  Also  all  the  arrears 
due  by  reason  of  the  said  accompts,  if  any,  and  also  the 
amercements  which  have  befallen  the  said  Roger,  and  the  issues 
of  his  forfeiture,  because  he  hath  not  rendered  the  accompts 
aforesaid  until  now.  And  the  king  acquits  him  thereof  by  the 
tenor  of  these  presents.  The  king  is  moreover  unwilling  that 
the  same  Roger,  by  reason  of  the  premisses,  shall  be  hindered 
or  in  any  way  molested  or  aggrieved  by  the  king,  his  heirs  or 
ministers  whatsoever.  Dated  at  Woodstock,  6  May.  By 
writ  of  Privy  Seal.1 

Again,  in  6  Edw.  III.  he  had  a  grant  of  the  manor  of 
Shotewyk  in  part  satisfaction  of  a  grant  of  £300  voted  to  him 
by  the  king  in  council  for  his  good  services.3 

A  few  extracts  from  the  exchequer  accounts  and  the  Pell 
Issues,  kindly  supplied  to  me  by  General  Wrottesley,  will  still 
further  illustrate  the  position  of  the  Swynnertons  at  this 

Accounts  of  8  and  9  Edw.  III. — Paid  to  Roger  de  Swynner- 
ton, banneret,  for  his  robes  (of  livery  as  being  of  the  king's 
household) — 16  marks.  And  to  Thomas  de  Swynnerton  (his 
second  surviving  son), '  scutifer '  of  the  king's  chamber,  also  for 
his  robes — 4  marks.* 

Roger  died  in  1338,  just  after  his  elevation  to  the  rank  of 

1  Dugdale's  Baronage,  ii.  1 1  *. 
*  Patent  Rolls  4  Edw.  III.  m.  zz. 

3  Ibid.  6  Edw.  III.    m.  4.     He  was  also  one  of  the  twenty-five  English 
magnates  to  the  king's  treat)-  with  Patrick  of  Dunbar,  Earl  of  March,  touching 
the  surrender  of  Berwick  (Rymer's  Fadera). 

4  Exchequer  Accounts,  *-§i. 


baron,  and  in  the  same  year  grants  are  made  to  Thomas  de 
Swynnerton,  knight  of  the  kings  chamber,  and  to  Humphrey  de 
Swynnerton  (a  younger  son),  '  scutifer '  of  the  king's  chamber, 
for  winter  and  summer  robes.1 

At  Easter  12  Edw.  III.  the  same  year,  Thomas  de  Swynner- 
ton, knight  of  the  king's  household,  receives  £200  as  wages  of 
war.2  Also,  on  24  June,  14  Edw.  III.  1340,  Thomas  de 
Swynnerton  was  with  the  king  in  the  action  off  Sluys,  and 
immediately  after  at  the  siege  of  Tournay.3  He  and  his 
brother  Humphrey  were  in  the  king's  train  at  Crecy,  and 
received  for  their  wages  of  war,  the  former  £31  175.,  and  the 
latter  £6  85.  6d.,  and  again  in  33-4  Edw.  III.  1359-60,  as  a 
knight  of  the  king,  from  the  exchequer,  for  his  robes,  he  had 
1065.  8</.4 

The  following  entry  also  bears  upon  the  subject,  and  is 
besides  curious  :  In  27  Edw.  III.  1353,  to  Sir  Thomas  de 
Swynnerton  of  the  gift  of  the  king,  by  way  of  fee,  of  the 
cost  of  one  cloth  of  gold-worked  '  rakemat '  placed  over  the 
head  of  the  king  on  Christmas  Day  in  the  27th  year  (of  the 
reign) — 1005.  Thomas  de  Swynnerton  was,  in  fact,  as  Canon 
Bridgeman  observes,  the  chamberlain  of  the  king's  court.5 

Lastly,  we  have  the  evidence  of  Sir  Thomas  de  Swynner- 
ton's  marriage,  for  his  wife  was  Maud,  a  sister  of  Thomas 
Holand,  Earl  of  Kent,  and  Thomas  Holand  had  married  Joan, 
the  '  fair  maid  of  Kent,'  grand-daughter  of  Edward  I.  who,  on 
Thomas  Holand's  death,  was  married  to  Edward  the  Black 
Prince,  and  by  him  became  the  mother  of  Richard  II.8  Dug- 
dale  mentions  that  in  his  time  the  tomb  of  Maud  de  Swynner- 
ton still  existed  in  Swynnerton  Church,  with  a  shield  of  the 
Holands,  and  the  inscription  '  Matilda  de  Swynnerton.' 

The  following  extract  will  show  that  Thomas  de  Swynner- 
ton had  five  esquires  and  six  mounted  archers  of  his  own 
retinue  :  To  Thomas  de  Swynnerton  kt.  and  five  esquires 
and  six  archers  of  his  retinue,  for  their  wages  of  war, 
October,  33  Edw.  III.  to  May,  34  Edw.  III.  (when  the  peace 
of  Bretigny  was  signed).7 

It  would  be  rash  to  assert  that  John  de  Swynnerton  whose 
case  we  are  considering  was  one  of  these  five  squires  ;  but  it  is 

1  Exchequer  Accounts,^.  2  Ibid.  ^f-8. 

3  Staff.  Coll.  viii. 

4  Exchequer  Accounts,  3-ff  and  3T9T3-  5  Ibid-  W- 

6  Heralds'  Visitations.  *  Exchequer  Accounts,  9T3TS. 


curious  that  he  and  Thomas  de  Swynnerton  died  about  the 
same  time,  the  latter  apparently  in  France. 

At  Easter,  36  Edw.  III.  1362,  to  the  executors  of  Thomas 
de  Swynnerton  in  part  payment  of  his  wages  of  war,  his 
reward,  and  for  the  re-passage  of  his  horses — £66  13.*.  4^.' 

According  to  Canon  Bridgeman,  Thomas  de  Swynnerton 
died  in  December,  1361,  and  as  we  have  seen  John  must  have 
died  in  the  spring  or  summer  of  1362,  perhaps  earlier.  What 
did  they  die  of  ?  Not  in  war,  because  there  was  then  peace. 
The  second  visitation  of  the  plague  broke  out  in  August, 
1361,  and  raged  till  May,  1362.  Robert  de  Swynnerton, 
lord  of  Swynnerton,  died  in  the  first  visitation  of  1 349,  and 
it  is  more  than  likely  that  both  Thomas  and  John  perished  in 
the  second.  That  John  de  Swynnerton  died  on  service  is 
certain,  because,  as  we  have  seen,  the  king  continued  his  grant 
of  Sellyng  to  his  widow  Joan. 

Enough  however  has  been  quoted  to  show  the  position 
held  by  the  Swynnertons  in  the  time  of  Edward  II.  and  III., 
and  to  explain  the  reason  of  the  exemption  of  all  of  that  name 
from  the  subsidies  levied  in  those  two  reigns. 

It  is  certain  then  that  John  de  Swynnerton  was  nearly  re- 
lated to  Sir  Roger  de  Swynnerton.  It  will  not  be  so  easy  to 
discover  the  degree  of  that  relationship,  though  we  may  do  so 

We  may  take  it  for  granted  that  John  de  Swynnerton,  the 
squire  of  1345,  was  not  of  an  earlier  generation  than  Sir 
Roger  de  Swynnerton  himself.  That  was  the  generation 
which  saw  personal  names  pass  from  the  fluid  and  fluctuating 
state  engendered  by  manifold  manorial  possession  to  become 
fixed  and  regular  surnames.  No  longer  merely  local  or  resi- 
dential, no  longer  fluctuating  designations,  they  became  con- 
stant quantities — unchanging  patronymics  in  the  sense  of 
being  generic.  Thus  in  the  generation  preceding  names  are 
still  in  confusion,  without  any  method  or  order,  and,  as  ex- 
amples, Stephen  de  Isewall,  Nicolas  de  Aspley,  John  de 
Sugnall,  Richard  de  Peshall,  Richard  de  Chell,  are  all  really 
Swynnertons.  Even  so  late  as  1336  John  de  Swynnerton  of 
Isewall  appears  in  the  records  as  John  '  de  Isewelle,'  or  '  de 
Iselewelle,'  or  '  de  Uselwall.'  Speaking  generally  however  the 
change  set  in  with  the  reign  of  Edward  II.  The  capital 

1  Pelllsiuei. 


manor  gave  the  fixed  surname  to  the  various  scattered  mem- 
bers of  the  family  not  already  differentiated  whatever  their 
holdings  might  be  ;  and  so,  whereas  Roger  de  Swynnerton's 
uncle  is  oftener  called  '  de  Uselwall '  than  '  de  Swynnerton,' 
his  brothers  are  always  { de  Swynnerton.'  '  John  de  Swynner- 
ton's' place  therefore  will  be  found  in  the  generation  of  Roger 
de  Swynnerton,  or  in  the  generation  of.  Roger  de  Swynnerton's 
sons.  Let  us  examine  both. 

Roger  de  Swynnerton's  brothers  were  : — 

1.  Sir  John  de  Swynnerton  of  Hilton,  kt.,  who  died  in 

1340,  and  could  not  possibly  have  been  the  John 
whose  origin  we  are  now  considering. 

2.  Richard  de  Swynnerton,  a  man-at-arms  in  the  retinue 

of  Roger  de  Somery  at  Crecy  and  Calais,  who  was 
living  in  1350. 

3.  Nicolas  de  Swynnerton,  a  priest. 

4.  Stephen  de  Swynnerton,  to  whom  the  king  gave  the 

manor  of  Morton  in  co.  Dumfries,  and  who  seems 
then  to  have  left  Staffordshire. 

5.  Another  John  who  was  a  monk  of  Westminster.1 

Of  the  same  generation  as  Roger  de  Swynnerton  was  his 
first  cousin,  John  de  Swynnerton  of  Isewall,  but  he  died  in 
1337.  The  other  Swynnertons  of  that  generation  appear  to 
have  been  distinguished  by  purely  local  names. 

We  now  come  to  the  next  generation.  The  line  of  John 
de  Swynnerton  of  Isewall  may  be  'passed  over,  as,  from  the 
fact  of  his  paternal  inheritance  going  to  Sir  Roger  de  Swyn- 
nerton at  his  death  in  1337,  he  would  appear  to  have  left  no 
issue.  John  de  Swynnerton  of  Hilton  had  a  son  John,  but 
he  accompanied  the  king  to  Flanders  in  1345,  at  the  very 
time  the  other  John  de  Swynnerton  was  with  James  de  Audley 
in  Gascony,  and  besides  his  death  occurred  in  1380,  not  in 
1362.  Richard  de  Swynnerton  had  a  son  'Thomas  son  of 
Richard  de  Swynnerton,'  to  whom  he  transferred  all  his  pro- 
perty in  Chorlton  and  Whitmore,  and  who  sold  or  bequeathed 
it  to  Thomas  son  of  Elias  del  Wode  and  Elianor  his  wife, 
daughter  of  Richard  de  Hatton,  in  1368,  but  there  is  no  evi- 

1  Bridgeman  gives  also  an  '  Alexander  de  Swynnerton.'  There  was  no 
Alexander  de  Swynnerton.  He  was  merely  the  bailiff  '  de  Swynnerton  ' 
(Ancient  Petitions,  No.  7,812,  Record  Office). 


dence  that  Richard  had  other  sons.    If  Stephen  de  Swynnerton 
had  sons  they  are  not  recorded.1 

We  are  thus  reduced  to  the  male  issue  of  Sir  Roger  de 
Swynnerton  himself,  and  his  sons  as  at  present  known  were — 

1.  Sir  Roger  de  Swynnerton,  eldest  son,  kt.,  who  died 

v.p.  and  s.p. 

2.  Robert  de  Swynnerton,  a  priest,  lord  of  Swynnerton, 

who  died  of  the  plague  in  1349. 

3.  Sir  Thomas  de  Swynnerton,  kt.,  lord  of  Swynnerton, 

who  died  in  (December)  1361,  probably  also  of  the 

4.  Richard  de  Swynnerton,  a  priest. 

5.  Humphrey  de  Swynnerton  of  Isewall,  squire  of  the 

chamber   to    Edward    III.,   ancestor  of   the   later 
Swynnertons  of  Isewall.* 

Now  in  this  list  what  strikes  us  most  is  the  absence  ot  any 
John.  For  (i)  the  original  founder  of  the  house  was  a  John  ; 
(2)  Roger's  great-uncle  who  conferred  Swynnerton  on  his 
father  was  a  John — Sir  John  de  Swynnerton,  kt.,  who  died  in 
1284  ;  (3)  his  uncle  of  Isewall,  and  his  father's  companion  in 
arms  on  many  a  hard-fought  field,  was  also  a  John  ;  and  (4) 
his  next  younger  brother  of  Hilton,  the  seneschal  of  Cannock 
Forest  and  the  king's  deputy  warden  of  the  forests  this  side 
Trent,  was  also  named  John.  Evidently  then  in  the  list  of 
Sir  Roger's  sons  there  is  a  John  missing.  In  my  opinion  the 
missing  John  is  found  in  c  John  de  Swynnerton,'  who  went 
with  James  de  Audley  to  Gascony  in  1345,  on  whom  the  king 
conferred  for  a  term  of  years  the  manor  of  Sellyng  for  his 
good  services,  and  who  died,  apparently  of  the  plague,  early 
in  1362,  leaving  a  widow,  Joan,  to  whom  the  king's  grant  was 
confirmed.  He  was  evidently  an  enterprising  character  like 
Sir  Roger  himself,  and  the  evidence  of  the  Army  Miscellanea 
°f  J345  proves  that  his  holding  was  under  the  Earl  of 
Lancaster,  close  to  Swynnerton,  somewhere  in  the  Liberty  of 
Newcastle,  apparently  at  Butterton,  certainly  in  the  demesne 
of  Whitmore,  which  was  part  of  the  manor  of  Knutton,  which 
was  a  member  of  the  earl's  Liberty  of  Newcastle-under-Lyme. 

That   the   Audleys  were    mesne  lords  of  the  manor  of 
Knutton,  of  which  Wbitmore  was  only  a  member?  may  be  seen 

1  Staff.  Coll.  vii.  pt  I.  a  Ibid. 

3  I  have  an  original  deed,  circa  1225,  in  which  John  son  of  Ralph  de 


in  the  suit  of  King  Edward  I.  against  Thomas  le  Forester  for 
four  bovates  of  land  in  Knutton,  and  against  John  de  Knutton, 
for  three  bovates  of  land  in  the  same  vill.  The  defendants 
called  to  warranty  William  Russel,  who  appeared  and  war- 
ranted the  tenements  to  them  ;  and  William  Russel  called 
NICHOLAS  DE  ALDYTHELEGH  (Audley),  then  head  of  the  house, 
to  warranty  for  all  the  land  claimed  by  the  king  (which  was 
in  fact  the  whole  manor),  and  Nicholas  warranted  it  to  him, 
and  appealed  to  a  Great  Assize,  which  found  in  his  favour.1 

But  besides  all  this  the  Audleys  had  long  before  obtained 
a  grant  of  rents  of  Assize  in  the  Liberty  of  Newcastle,  which 
made  them  the  virtual  landlords  of  the  local  tenants  of  the 

There  remains  one  more  point  of  singular  interest  bearing 
on  the  problem  of  the  identity  of  this  John  de  Swynnerton. 

It  was  a  custom  in  the  palmy  days  of  armory  for  great 
captains  to  confer  on  their  most  distinguished  followers  the 
right  of  bearing  some  modification  of  their  own  arms,  an 
honour  which  would  correspond  with  the  V.C.  or  the  K.C.B. 
of  modern  times.  In  accordance  with  this  custom,  James  de 
Audley  is  said  to  have  conferred  on  the  four  Staffordshire 
squires  whom  he  is  said  to  have  selected  to  stand  by  him 
throughout  the  battle  of  Poictiers,  an  augmentation  of  gules 
fretty  gold,  then  the  distinguishing  arms  of  the  house  of 
Audley.  According  to  Ashmole,  their  names  were  Button  of 
Button,  Belves  of  Boddington,  Fowleshurst  of  Crewe  and 
Hawkestone  of  Wrinehill  ;  but  there  is  reason  for  supposing 
that  Ashmole  is  only  approximately  right,  for  Button  and 
Belves,  to  begin  with,  were  Staffordshire  men  of  Maer  and 
Whitmore  respectively.  Be  that  as  it  may,  Froissart  particu- 
larly refers  to  these  men,  but  unfortunately  he  neither  gives 
their  names  nor  mentions  the  grant  of  arms.  A  precisely  simi- 
lar grant  however  must  have  been  made  to  another  squire  of 
James  Audley,  to  a  member  of  the  family  of  Swynnerton, 
and  the  heraldic  evidence  is  so  striking  that  it  is  difficult  to 
resist  the  conclusion  that  all  five  grants  were  made,  if  not  at 
the  same  time,  at  any  rate  by  the  same  leader,  and  during  the 
progress  of  the  same  war.  Any  one  who  will  compare  the 

Cnotton  confirms  to  Ralph  son  of  John  de  Wytemore  lands  in  Whitmore 
granted  by  his  father  to  John  de  Wytemore's  father. 

1  £>uo  Warranto  Pleas,  31  Edw.  I.  1292. 

a  Inquisitions,  temp.  Hen.  III.  Stafford  Library. 


various  coats  of  these  five  squires  with  each  other,  and  then 
with  the  arms  of  the  Audleys  themselves,  will  understand  how 
strong,  not  to  say  irresistible,  the  evidence  is.  I  therefore 
give  here  the  whole  six  coats,  beginning  with  that  of  James  de 
Audley  himself: — 

1.  AUDLEY.     Gules  fretty  gold. 

2.  FOULESHURST.     Gules  fretty  gold  with  a  chief  ermine. 

3.  SWYNNERTON.     Ermine  a  chief  gules  fretty  gold. 

4.  HAWKESTONE.     Ermine  a  fesse  gules  fretty  gold. 

5.  BUTTON.     Quarterly  silver  and  gules,  the  gules  fretty  gold. 

6.  DELVES.     Silver  a  cheveron  gules  fretty  gold   between   three   delves 


A  glance  at  these  various  coats  suggests  a  very  obvious  in- 
ference, which  is  that,  while  the  four  squires  immortalized  by 
Froissart,  whichever  of  these  they  were,  acted  as  James  de 
Audley's  bodyguard  at  Poictiers,  a  fifth  squire  had  so  dis- 
tinguished himself,  there  or  elsewhere,  as  to  merit  a  similar 
mark  of  honour.  All  bear  the  golden  fret,  and  all  display  the 
fret  on  a  red  field.  Especially  significant  are  the  coats  of 
Fouleshurst  and  Swynnerton,  which  are  exactly  alike,  except- 
ing that  their  respective  colours  are  marshalled  in  reverse 
order,  the  former  bearing  the  fret  or  in  base  and  the  latter  in 
chief,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  if  a  shield  of  gules  fretty  gold 
with  a  chief  of  ermine  was  conferred  on  Fouleshurst,  then  un- 
doubtedly a  shield  of  ermine  with  a  chief  of  gules,  fretty  gold,  may 
well  have  been  conferred  on  Swynnerton  by  the  same  hand,  if 
not  at  the  same  time. 

But  the  evidence  is  by  no  means  exhausted  yet. 

When,  after  three  years'  truce,  the  war  with  France  broke 
out  again,  it  was  signalized  by  the  news  of  the  sudden  capture 
by  the  French  of  St.  Jean  d'Angely  in  Guienne.  At  once 
Edward  III.  despatched  a  force  to  re-take  it  and  to  relieve  the 
threatened  province.  As  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  first  draft 
of  300  men-at-arms,  Froissart  particularly  mentions  James 
d'Audley.  The  draft  however  was  so  hurried  off  that  no  Let- 
ters of  Protection  for  any  of  those  composing  it  appear  on  the 
French  or  Gascon  Rolls.  Still  it  is  on  record  that,  on  the 
arrival  of  the  news,  James  Lord  Audley,  Ralph  Lord  Stafford 
and  John  de  Sutton  Lord  Dudley  of  co.  Stafford,  forming 
part  of  the  relieving  force,  with  twelve  other  barons,  received 
writs  of  urgency  to  hasten  to  Westminster,  on  the  morrow 


of  the  close  of  Easter,  to  advise  the  king  respecting  the  safety 
and  defence  of  the  kingdom.  Dated  20  March.1 

At  that  time  the  seneschal  of  Gascony  was  Sir  James  de 
Pype,  a  Staffordshire  knight  and  a  half-brother  of  Ralph,  Earl 
of  Stafford.  It  is  a  curious  coincidence  that  this  same  knight 
was  at  that  very  time  a  tenant,  for  the  term  of  his  life,  of  Sir 
Thomas  de  Swynnerton's  estate  of  Isewall  in  the  Liberty  of 
Eccleshall,  co.  Stafford.2 

It  is  evident,  from  the  summonses  of  the  following  years, 
addressed  to  all  who  were  to  accompany  the  king  in  person,  that 
the  Guienne  force  remained  in  Gascony  under  the  supreme 
command  of  Edward  the  Black  Prince,  until  the  close  of  the 
operations,  after  the  decisive  action  of  Poictiers  (1356).  It  is 
certain  too  that  James  de  Audley's  retinue  must  have  been  as 
complete  as  the  urgency  of  the  time  demanded,  and  that  he 
was  followed  by  as  many  of  his  Staffordshire  squires  as  he  had 
been  able  to  muster  together.  I  make  no  doubt  John  de 
Swynnerton,  then  in  the  prime  of  life,  was  one  of  them.  I 
make  no  doubt  indeed,  on  the  testimony  of  armory  alone, 
that  he  was  one  of  the  chosen  few  of  that  leader's  select 
bodyguard.  Among  those  famous  men,  on  the  evening  of 
the  battle,  the  hero  of  the  day  divided  the  ^500  in  land  con- 
ferred on  him  on  the  field  by  the  Black  Prince.*  If  Froissart 
gives  the  number  as  only  four,  and  if  Ashmole  enumerates 
them  by  name,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  Froissart  wrote  from 
hearsay,  and  that  Ashmole's  statement  is  probably  based  on 
the  evidence  of  fable  only.  The  question  therefore  still  looks 
for  an  answer — *  Who  were  the  squires  and  what  their  num- 
ber who  fought  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  James  de  Audley 
on  the  field  of  Poictiers  ? ' 

It  will  thus  be  seen  how  the  historical  evidence  available 
to  date,  and  already  adduced  in  the  foregoing  pages,  is  most 
curiously  illustrated  by  the  evidence  of  armory.  The  squire, 

1  Staff.  Coll.  viii.  92-3. 

2  See  the  original  lease  in  the  British  Museum,  dated  22  July,  1350. 
The  old  '  close,'  with  the  moated  site  of  the  house,  is  now  the  property  of 
the  writer. 

3  '  These  four  squires  have  long  and  loyally  served  me  on  many  great  and 
dangerous  occasions,  and  until  the  day  that  I  made  them  this  present,  I    had 
not  any  way  rewarded  them  for  all  their  services.' 

So,  according  to  Froissart,  spoke  Lord  James  Audley  to  the  Black  Prince 
in  explanation  of  his  having  transferred  the  gift  to  his  squires.  It  shows  that 
wherever  he  went  his  retinue  followed  him. 


John  de  Swynnerton,  died  six  years  after  the  date  of  Poictiers. 
He  may  not  have  been  present  at  that  famous  fight,  but  the 
probabilities  are  largely  in  his  favour,  since  he  had  actually 
seen  service  with  the  same  leader  in  the  same  provinces  before. 
At  any  rate,  though  the  particular  roll  which  recorded  the 
precise  occasion  may  have  perished,  the  golden  fret  on  the 
field  of  blood  still  survives  to  tell  of  high  achievement  done 
somewhere  in  those  famous  French  wars  by  that  old  Stafford- 
shire squire,  whom  the  records  forbid  us  to  identify  with  any 
other  than  John  de  Swynnerton  of  Whitmore.  From  him 
the  present  writer  lineally  descends. 

I  do  not  myself  believe  for  a  moment  that  Button 
of  Dutton  and  Delves  of  Delves,  both  Cheshire  men,  were 
squires  of  the  body  of  James  de  Audley  at  all.  James  de 
Audley  was  a  thorough  Staffordshire  man,  and  John  de  Delves 
of  Whitmore,  co.  Stafford,  and  Robert  de  Dutton  of  Maer, 
next  parish  to  Whitmore,  both  also  Staffordshire  men  and 
actual  tenants  of  James  de  Audley,  though  cadets  of  the 
houses  of  Dutton  of  Dutton  and  Delves  of  Delves,  are  far 
more  likely,  I  think,  to  have  been  the  two  squires  bearing 
those  names  with  claims  to  be  numbered  among  the  famous 


If  '  John  de  Swynnerton  '  left  sons  they  must  have  been 
minors  when  he  died  in  1362. 

Sir  Robert  de  Swynnerton,  kt.,  and  a  Roger  de  Swynner- 
ton were  among  those  who  had  the  king's  letters  of  protec- 
tion for  one  year,  dated  21  October,  48  Edw.  III.  (1374),  to 
go  to  parts  beyond  sea,  in  the  king's  service,  and  in  the 
company  of  John,  Duke  of  Brittany  and  Earl  of  Richmond.1 
Sir  Robert  was  Sir  Thomas  Swynnerton's  son  and  heir.  Roger 
was  perhaps  his  nephew. 

Among  the  evidences  to  be  now  quoted  there  will  be  some 
extracts  from  the  court  rolls  of  the  manor  of  Newcastle-under- 
Lyme.  These  rolls  however  begin  only  very  late  in  the  reign 
or  Edward  III.,  and  the  gaps  in  them  are  very  extensive.  The 
paucity  of  references  to  the  Swynnertons  who  were  tenants  in 
the  manor  for  generations  is  so  remarkable  as  to  suggest  a 
suspicion  that  many  of  the  folios  have  been  abstracted,  either 

1  Staff.  Coll.  vii.  pt.  i,  42. 


to  establish  supposed  claims,  or  to  get  rid  of  evidences.  Other- 
wise these  rolls  would  have  sufficed  to  establish  the  complete 
descent  of  all  the  Swynnerton  tenants  of  the  manor.  The 
following  important  entry  is  a  survival  : — 

PPhitmore,  3  Ric.  II.  (1379).  On  the  Saturday  next  after 
the  Feast  of  St.  Martin,  Roger  de  Swynarton  sued  Thomas  de 
Sheprugg  (Seabridge)  in  a  plea  of  customs,  and  in  a  similar 
plea  he  sues  also  John  de  Sheprugg  the  son  of  Thomas. 
Thomas  essoins  his  attendance  by  John  de  Whytechirche, 
chaplain,  and  John  by  Thomas  de  Clayton. 

St.  Martin's  Day  is  4  July.  We  have  already  proved  in 
The  Earlier  Swynnertons  of  Ecclesball  that  Butterton  was  of  the 
demesne  of  Whitmore,  and  in  the  parish  of  Trentham.1  A. 
concord,  dated  Newcastle,  the  Feast  of  the  Annunciation  of 
the  B.V.M.  8  Edw.  I.  1279,  between  Edmund,  Earl  of  Lan- 
caster, King  Henry's  son,  and  Sir  John  de  Swynnerton,  kt., 
of  the  one  part,  and  all  the  free  tenants  of  Butterton  of  the 
other  part,  regarding  common  of  pasture  in  Schertlyme  (now 
Shutlane),  gives  us  a  complete  list  of  the  tenants  then 
holding  in  Butterton,  and  among  them,  first  on  the  list,  comes 
the  name  of  'William  de  Scheperugg.' 2  There  were  no 
Swynnertons  then  at  Butterton  apparently.  They  purchased 
later.  But  the  copy  of  court  roll  just  cited  shows  that  in  1379 
certain  '  Shepruggs  '  owed  customs — were  tenants  apparently — 
to  '  Roger  de  Swynarton.' 

Chetwynd,  the  Staffordshire  antiquary  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  tells  us  that  in  5  Ric.  II.  1381-2  there  was  living  a 
'  Roger  Swinnerton  of  Butterton,'  and  that  a  '  John  Swinner- 
ton  of  Butterton '  occurs  in  8  Ric.  II.  13  84-5."  Chetwynd 
is  an  acknowledged  authority,  but  even  his  authority  would  be 
the  better  for  exact  citation.  We  may  take  it  for  granted 
however  that  when  he  made  those  statements,  he  did  not  do 
so  without  good  reason.  Roger  and  John  were  probably  two 
brothers.  Corroborative  evidence  will  be  given  presently. 

To  go  back  a  little. 

In  7  Edw.  II.  1313-4,  Roger  son  of  Roger  de  Swynner- 
ton, lord  of  Swynnerton,  was  acknowledged  superior  lord  of 
the  manor  of  Whitmore  by  Ralph  son  of  John,  lord  of 

1  Staff.  Coll.  vol.  xxi. 

8  There  is  an  early  copy  of  this  deed  among  the  Newcastle  Manor  Court 

3  Chetwynd  MSS.  penes  Earl  of  Shrewsbury. 



AUDLIY.     Gultifrettj 

M  *  * 

SWYNNIRTON.      Ermine  a 
chief  gules  frettj  gold. 

DILVIS.  Silver  a  cbeveron  gulti 
fretted  with  gold  between  three 
delves  of  able. 

DUTTON.  Quarterly  silver 
and  gules  frtttj  gold. 

*   ** 

HAWICIITONE.     Ermine  a 
feat  guleifretty  gold. 

FOULUBOIIT.     Guta  frttty 
gold  viitb  t  chief  ermine. 



Whitmore,  in  return  for  which  Roger  de  Swynnerton  granted 
that  manor  to  the  said  Ralph,  to  hold  of  him  and  his  heirs 
for  ever,  the  said  Ralph  and  his  successors  rendering  a 
white  rose  yearly,  and  performing  the  accustomed  services  to 
the  capital  lord.  And  if  Ralph  died  without  issue,  the  manor 
was  to  revert  to  Roger  de  Swynnerton  and  his  heirs.1 

From  that  date,  Roger  de  Swynnerton  was  possessed  of 
the  homage  and  service  of  the  old  lords  of  Whitmore. 

In  1368  however  we  find  some  of  those  rights  in 
possession  of  Roger  Burgylon.  In  43  Edw.  III.  1369,  there 
was  a  final  concord  between  John  de  Delves,  kt.,  plaintiff, 
and  Roger  Burgylon,  deforciant,  concerning  24*.  rent  in 
Whitmore.  Roger  Burgylon  granted  the  said  rents  to  John, 
together  with  the  homage  and  service  of  John  de  Whitmore  and 
his  heirs  for  the  tenements  which  the  said  John  de  Whitmore 
formerly  held  of  Roger  in  the  same  vill.2 

Thus  certain  seignorial  rights  in  Whitmore  had  passed  from 
Roger  de  Swynnerton  (who  died  in  1338)  to  Roger  Burgylon. 
The  obvious  inference  is  that  Sir  Roger  de  Swynnerton  had 
granted  those  rights  to  Roger  Burgylon  in  frank  marriage  with 
one  of  his  daughters.  If  so,  her  name  was  Margery  de 
Swynnerton,  and  she  it  is  who  figures  as  grantor  in  the  follow- 
ing deed. 

Margery,  widow  of  Roger  Burgelon,  gives  Nicholas,  prior 
of  Trentham,  and  the  canons,  etc.,  for  herself  and  her  heirs, 
her  rights  (meaning  rights  of  dower)  in  13*.  ^d.  worth  of  land 
in  Clayton  Griffin,  formerly  her  husband's  (her  son  John,  a 
priest,  consenting).  These  witnesses,  ROGER  de  SWYNERTON, 
John,  lord  of  Whitmore,  William  de  Theckenes,  Thomas  de 
Theckenes,  Ralph  del  Hogh,  and  others.  Given  at  Trentham 
on  the  Monday  next  after  the  Feast  of  the  Purification  of  the 
B.V.M.  5  Ric.  II.  1382.* 

Confirmation   is  found  in  the  fact  that,  in  the  attesting 

1  Final  Concord,  No.  79.     At  Westminster.     On  the  Octaves  of  Trinity. 
The  original  charter  of  Roger  de  Swynnerton,  together  with  a  contemporaneous 
court  copy  of  the  Final  Concord,  is  in  the  psosession  of  the  writer. 

2  Staff.  Coll.  xi.  177. 

3  Trentham    Chartulary  penes   Duke   of  Sutherland.      There   is   also   a 
duplicate  deed  in  which  '  Roger  de  Swynerton's '  name  is  given  as  '  Roger  de 
Swenarton.'      Note. — The  Priors  of  Trentham  held  Clayton  Griffin  of  the 
Burgylons   (under  the  Earls  of  Lancaster)   by  fealty,  and   the  service  of  one 
marc  (i  3;.  4</.),  for  all  service  (Staff.  Coll.  ix.  46). 


clause,  Roger  de  Swynnerton,  a  cadet  of  the  family  of  Swyn- 
nerton,  takes  precedence  of  John,  lord  of  Whitmore,  and  of 
William  de  Thickness,  the  Duke  of  Lancaster's  seneschal, 
taking  rank,  in  fact,  as  the  most  honoured  witness.  He  was 
therefore  probably  Margery's  nephew,  a  son  of  John  de  Swyn- 
nerton, James  Audley's  squire,  and  a  grandson  of  Sir  Roger 
de  Swynnerton,  kt.  Moreover,  as  in  the  previous  generation 
a  '  William  de  Thiknes '  and  a  '  John  de  Whitmore  '  were 
companions  of  John  de  Swynnerton  on  campaign,  so  in  the 
deed  of  Margery,  Roger  de  Swynnerton  is  also  linked  with 
William  de  Thickness  and  John  de  Whitmore.  And  this 
Roger  de  Swynnerton,  no  doubt,  is  the  '  Roger  Swinnerton  of 
Butterton  '  mentioned  by  Chetwynd. 

In  1383  Roger  de  Swynnerton  was  outlawed  for  homicide. 
At  a  court  held  at  Chester  on  the  Tuesday  after  St.  Barnabas, 
6  Ric.  II.,  Roger  de  Swenarton  was  outlawed  for  the  death  of 
one  Roger  Nycholle.1  For  this  homicide  he  must  have  been 
acquitted,  or  he  must  have  procured,  by  money  or  service,  a 
reversal  of  his  sentence  with  its  concomitant  disabilities. 

There  is  another  deed — a  Whitmore  deed — the  original  of 
which  I  have  had  before  me.  It  treats  of  the  lands  of  Sir 
John  de  Verdon,  kt.,  lord  of  Annesley,  Biddulph,  Bucknall, 
and  Darleston,  which  lands,  by  this  deed,  were  divided  between 
his  two  daughters  and  coheirs,  Joan,  and  Ermentrude  the 
wife  of  Ralph  de  Hooton,  and  the  residue  to  Joan.  This 
Joan  was  the  wife  of  John,  lord  of  Whitmore,  afore- 
mentioned, and  he  had  by  her  only  two  daughters,  Elizabeth 
wife  of  John  de  Boghay,  and  Joan  wife  of  Henry  Clerke  of 
Coventry.  The  deed  or  indenture  bears  date  28  January,  1 1 
Ric.  II.  (1388),  and  the  witnesses  are  :  Henrye  de  Delves,  John 
de  Delves,  John  de  Hynkeley,  ROGER  de  SWVNERTON,  Thomas 
de  Podmore,  Thomas  de  Thiknese  and  others. 

The  association  of  these  names  is  not  accidental.  They 
are  necessarily  the  names,  with  those  of  the  Whitmores  and 
the  Burgylons  in  the  former  deed,  of  the  principal  tenants  of 
the  place.  Thus,  as  an  example,  take  the  two  first  names  on 
the  list  of  witnesses.  Henry  de  Delves  and  John  de 
Delves  of  Whitmore  were  the  sons  of  John  de  Delves, 
kt.,  said,  as  we  have  seen,  to  have  been  one  of  the  four 
famous  Staffordshire  squires  immortalized  by  Froissart,  who 

1  Plea  Roll,  No.  86,  m.  19  (Staff.  Coll.  xvi.  24). 


were  James  de  Audley's  body-guard  at  Poictiers.1  Not 
less  significant  is  the  particular  conjunction  of  the  names. 
These  men — de  Hynkeley,  de  Podmore  and  de  Thiknese, 
with  John  de  Whitmore  of  the  preceding  deed,  were  the  sons 
of  'John  de  Hinkele,'  'John  de  Podmore,'  'William  de 
Thiknes,'  and  'John  de  Whitemore,'  companions  in  the  same 
company  of  squires  who,  as  we  have  seen,  rode  forth  from 
Helegh  Castle  under  James  de  Audley  in  1345  for  the  wars 
in  Gascony  and  Guienne.  The  accumulative  evidence  there- 
fore is  irresistible  for  believing  that  Roger  de  Swynerton,  the 
remaining  witness,  and  John  Swynerton,  also  of  Whitmore 
(of  whom  more  presently),  were  the  sons  of  that  John  de 
Swynnerton  who  also  marched  and  returned  from  and  to  the 
same  place,  under  the  same  leader,  and  took  part  in  the  same 

In  13  Ric.  II.  1389,  Roger  de  Swenarton  was  amerced  ^d. 
in  the  manor  court  of  Newcastle,  on  the  presentation  of  the 
frankpledges  of  Whitmore,  for  an  assault  on  Thomas  Robyn- 

In  the  same  regnal  year,  on  29  May,  1390,  in  St.  John's 
Street,  near  Clerkenwelle,  he  was  a  party  to  a  singular  trans- 
action with  Sir  Thomas  Gerberge,  against  whom  he  took  legal 
action  in  1401,  the  details  of  which  we  shall  give  further  on. 

'  Roger  de  Swynnerton,'  in  the  following  account,  comes 
before  us  however  in  another  character. 

At  the  incoming  of  the  fair  month  of  May,  to  quote  the 
language  of  old  Froissart,  13  Ric.  II.  1390,  at  a  season  of  truce, 
three  French  knights  undertook  to  maintain  the  lists  against  all 
comers,  at  Saint  Inglevere,  near  Calais.  Their  names  were 

1  Dutton,  quoted  as  another  of  the  famous  four,  lived,  as  above  noted,  at 
Maer,  adjoining  Whitmore  and  Swynnerton.     Thus  : — Thomas  fil.  Rob'ti  de 
Dotton  mlHtis  MAN  ENS  in  Mere  Thome  fl  Rid  tie  Stoinerton  ter  in  feodo  de 
Cherkton,  etc.,  20  Edw.  III.  1346  (Harl.  MS.  506). 

These  Buttons  settled  in  co.  Staff,  temp.  Hen.  III.  when  Vivian  de  Standon 
gave  a  fourth  part  of  Maer  and  Aston  to  Thomas  de  Dutton  in  frank  marriage 
with  Philippe  his  daughter,  which  Philippe  afterwards  married  John  de 
Kokfeld  from  whom  she  was  divorced  (Staff.  Coll.  vi.  I,  54  ;  also  viii.  175). 

2  Richard  de  Swynnerton  and  Thomas  his  son  did  not  live  at  Whitmore 
but  at  Chorlton,  where  their  capital  messuage  or  mansion  was  situated.     Thus 
in  a  deed  of  the  lords  of  Chorlton,  a  copy  of  which  is  in  the  British  Museum, 
a  piece  of  the  waste  of  Chorlton  is  conceded  Thome  fRo  Ricardi  de  Stvinerton 
manenti  in  Cherleton,  that  is  to  Thomas  son  of  Richard  de  Stvynnerton  dtvelfing  in 
Chorlton.     Thomas  died  without  any  issue  male  (Harl.  MS.  506). 

3  Newcastle  Court  Rolls. 


Sir  Boucicaut  the  younger,  the  Lord  de  Roye  and  the  Lord 
de  Saimpi.  This  tournament  had  been  proclaimed  in  many 
countries,  but  especially  in  England,  and  Sir  John  Holand, 
with  a  great  following,  to  the  number  of  upwards  of  one 
hundred  knights  and  squires,  went  over  to  attend  it.  Among 
his  retinue  he  had  a  squire  named  John  Savage,  who  married 
Maud,  a  great  Staffordshire  heiress,  a  daughter  of  Sir  Robert 
de  Swynnerton  of  Swynnerton,  and  a  cousin  of  Roger  de 
Swynnerton,  of  whom  we  are  now  treating.  He  had  also 
another  squire  whom  Froissart,  who  makes  sad  havoc  of 
English  names,  calls  '  Sequaqueton,  a  name  which  all  the  com- 
mentators agree  to  read  '  Swinnerton.' 

The  tournament  began  on  Monday,  21  May,  and  lasted 
four  days.  The  last  tilt  of  the  evening  of  the  second  day, 
Tuesday,  the  22nd,  was  run  by  Swynnerton.  His  opponent 
was  Renaud  de  Roye,  concerning  whom  Froissart  quaintly 
observes  that  at  that  time  he  was  counted  one  of  the  stoutest 
jousters  in  France,  and  was  smitten  with  love  for  a  young  lady 
that  made  all  his  affairs  prosper.1  Swynnerton  he  describes  as 
'  an  able  man-at-arms  and  an  expert  tilter.' 

c  In  the  first  course,  being  prepared  and  mounted,  they 
spurred  their  horses,  and  gave  violent  strokes  on  their  targets, 
without  sparing  each  other.  Swynnerton  bore  himself  hand- 
somely, without  falling,  to  the  surprise  of  the  spectators,  for 
Sir  Renaud's  blow  made  him  bend  backward  almost  on  the 
crupper  of  his  horse  ;  but  he  raised  himself,  and  gallantly 
finished  his  career  with  the  loss  only  of  his  lance. 

*  The  second  tilt  they  ran  with  great  courage,  and  struck 
such  blows  on  their  helmets  as  made  the  fire  fly  from  them.  It 
was  a  handsome  course  and  no  damage  done. 

*  In  the  third  tilt,  Swynnerton  was  severely  unhelmed  and 
on  the  point  of  falling,  both  himself  and  his  horse,  for  he 
staggered  considerably.     The  squire,  when  on  his  feet,  then 
returned  to  his  companions,  the   tilting  for  that   day  being 

>     0 


'On  Saturday,  26  May,  the  English  party  embarked  in 

1  Pour  le  temps  de  lore  il  etoit  un  des  forts  et  des  roidcs  jouteurs  du 
royaume  de  France,  et  si  amoit  par  amour  jeune  dame  belle  et  frisque,  dont 
en  tous  6tats  son  affaire  valoit  grandement  micux. 

1  The  passage,  as  given  in  Buchon,  is  too  interesting  not  to  be  quoted  in 
the  French  :  '  L'ecuyer  dessus  nommi  revenu,  un  autre  ecuyer  se  trait  avant, 
qui  s'appeloit  Sequaqueton  ;  appert  homme  d'armes  et  bien  joutant.  II  en- 


passage-boats  at  Calais  ;  by  mid-day  they  were  at  Dover,  where 
they  tarried  till  after  mass  on  Sunday  morning  ;  they  lay  Sun- 
day night  at  Rochester,  and  on  the  morning  of  Monday,  28 
May,  they  arrived  in  London.'  So  writes  old  Froissart  (Johne's 
Translation).  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  he  neither  mentions 
Swynnerton's  Christian  name  nor  gives  his  arms,  as  he  does 
in  the  case  of  several  of  the  other  squires. 

Granting  however  that  the  Swynnerton  of  this  tournament 
was  Roger  Swynerton,  and  the  probabilities  are  heavily  in  his 
favour,  it  will  be  seen  that  he  was  in  London,  not  in  Stafford- 
shire, at  the  end  of  May,  13  Ric.  II.,  and  also  that  he  was 
there  quite  in  time  for  the  execution  of  his  bond  with  Sir 
Thomas  Gerberge,  as  alleged  by  him  in  his  suit  which  we  shall 
presently  quote. 

In  1 6  Ric.  II.  1393—4,  Roger  de  Swynnerton  waylaid  and 
slew  John  de  Ipstones,  kt.,  who  was  on  his  way  to  Westmin- 
ster as  knight  of  the  shire,  and  it  was  ordered  by  the  Parlia- 
ment then  sitting  that  he  ('  one  Roger  Swynerton  ')  *  should 
not  be  released  from  the  prison  in  which  he  had  been  immured, 
by  bail,  mainprise,  or  any  other  manner,  until  he  had  answered 
the  said  charge,  and  legally  obtained  his  release.  Canon  Bridge- 
man  is  of  opinion  that  this  act  of  violence  was  committed  by 
Roger  de  Swynnerton  to  avenge  the  outrage  perpetrated  by 

voya  heurter  sur  la  targe  de  guerre  messire  Regnault  de  Roye ;  le  chevalier 
repondit,  car  il  dtoit  tout  pr£t  d'avantage,  monte  sur  son  coursier,  la  targe  au 
col  et  la  lance  en  main.  Les  deux  6peronnerent  et  vinrent  1'un  centre 
1'autre ;  et  se  ferirent  sur  les  targes  moult  dur  et  roide  sans  eux  epargner. 
Sequaqueton  se  porta  bien  sans  cheoir;  dont  on  fut  moult  emerveille,  car 
messire  Regnault  le  consuivit  de  telle  fa9on  qu'il  lui  fit  ployer  I'e'chine  sur  la 
croupe  de  son  cheval ;  il  se  releva  en  passant  outre  moult  franchement,  mais 
il  perdit  son  glaive.  Quand  il  cut  fait  son  tour  et  il  fut  revenu  sur  son  lez, 
tant6t  fut  prit  qui  lui  rendit  son  glaive.  Si  le  prit  et  mit  en  erret ;  et 
6peronna  le  cheval,  et  messire  Regnault  le  sien.  Si  s'en  vinrent  et  s'encon- 
trerent ;  et  se  donnerent  sur  les  heaumes  trop  durs  horions,  tant  que  on  en 
vit  voler  les  e^incelles  de  feu ;  le  coup  fut  bel ;  ils  n'y  eurent  point  de  dom- 
mage  ;  ils  passerent  outre,  et  retourna  chacun  sur  son  lez  ;  et  s'appareillerent 
pour  fournir  la  tierce  lance ;  et  eperonnerent  les  chevaux  et  s'en  vinrent  1'un 
contre  1'autre.  De  celle  joute  fut  Sequaqueton  d6sheaume  moult  dur  et  sur 
le  point  de  cheoir  lui  et  son  cheval,  car  il  chancela,  mais  il  se  renfourcha  et  se 
remit  fort  en  estant  sur  ses  pieds.  II  retourna  voir  ses  gens  et  pour  le  jour 
il  ne  fit  plus  de  joute.  Aussi  ne  firent  les  autres,  car  le  vSpre  approchoit  et 
ji  etoit  sur  le  tard.' 

1  '  Item,  accorde  est  al  request  de  la  Commune  q'un   Roger  Swynerton,' 
etc.  (Rolls  of  Purl.  iii.  317,  a.  23). 


John  de  Ipstones  on  his  young  cousin  Maud  de  Peshall,  nie 
Swynnerton,  then  a  widow,  in  that  on  8  December,  1388,  he 
took  her  by  force  from  Chetwynd  to  his  castle  of  Ipstones,  and 
there  imprisoned  her  until  she,  per  duriciam  et  cobercionem,  was 
compelled  to  make  a  concession  of  her  manor  of  Hopton  and 
her  other  lands  to  the  said  John  de  Ipstones  and  his  heirs,  on 
condition  that  he  should  re-enfeoff  her,  etc.,  on  certain  con- 
ditions, upon  which  he  married  her  to  his  son  William  de 
Ipstones,  then  fifteen  years  old.1  No  doubt  Roger  Swynner- 
ton bore  an  ancient  grudge  against  John  de  Ipstones  for  such 
a  dishonour.  All  the  same,  considering  the  nature  of  the 
times,  the  act  had  probably  a  political  significance,  and  for 
the  same  reason  Richard  II.  will  have  pardoned  him,  as  we 
find  him  at  large  again  soon  after.  It  was  the  Parliament  of 
1387 — the  '  Parliamentum  sine  misericordia  ' — which  hanged  so 
many  of  the  king's  personal  friends.  In  1394  Richard  II.  was 
ruling  strongly  and  well,  under  favourable  influences,  and  with 
some  popularity.  The  Swynnertons  were  of  his  partisans,  and 
Roger's  uncle  (as  I  suppose  him  to  have  been),  Thomas  de 
Swynnerton,  who  died  in  1361,  was,  as  shown  above,  brother- 
in-law  to  Thomas  Holand,  Earl  of  Kent,  and  so  uncle  by 
marriage  to  John  Holand,  Earl  of  Huntingdon  and  constable 
of  the  army,  King  Richard's  most  dear  brother,  his  'frater 
amicissimus.'  Besides,  at  this  time,  Roger  de  Swynerton  was 
apparently  (as  we  shall  show)  the  husband  of  Joan,  widow  of 
Sir  John  Salisbury,  one  of  the  king's  special  friends  and  sup- 
porters, who  with  many  others  had  been  judicially  murdered, 
when  in  the  king's  service,  through  the  violence  of  the  Earl 
of  Gloucester  and  others  of  the  king's  enemies.  At  any  rate 
Roger  de  Swynerton  escaped  hanging,  though  he  may  have 
suffered  fine  as  well  as  imprisonment. 

In  1 6  Ric.  II.,  Easter,  1393,  Edward  de  Acton  sued  Roger 
de  Swynnerton  to  render  a  reasonable  account  for  the  time  he 
was  his  bailiff  at  Walton  near  Chebsey.  Roger  did  not  ap- 
pear, etc. 

Walton  near  Chebsey  was  one  of  Sir  John  Salisbury's 
manors,  and  John  Giffard  of  Chillington  disputed  his  right  to 
it,  winning  it  after  his  death  from  his  kinsman  Nicolas  Salis- 
bury. It  must  have  passed  into  the  sherifFs  hands  after  Sir 
John  Salisbury  was  attainted.  Edward  de  Acton  was  one  of 
the  tenants  there. 

1  Staff.  Coll.  vii.  45.     Her  third  husband  was  Sir  John  Savage. 



At  Michaelmas,  17  Ric.  II.  1393,  John  Delves  sued1  Roger 
Swynarton  of  Cbebbesey '  and  Richard  de  Peshall  of  Eccleshall 
for  a  debt  of  .£20.  The  defendants  did  not  appear,  etc. 

These  two  entries  serve  to  illustrate  Roger  de  Swynerton's 
suit  against  Sir  Thomas  Gerberge,  which  we  now  proceed  to 
give  :— 

DE  BANCO  PLEA  ROLLS,  MICH.  3  H.  IV.  1401. 

Middlesex. — Thomas  Gerberge,  Kt.,  was  summoned  at  the  suit  of  Roger 
Swynerton,  armiger,  to  give  up  to  him  a  sum  of  50  marks  which  he  unjustly 
detained,  and  Roger  stated  that  the  said  Thomas  on  291)1  May,1  1 3  R.  II. 
1390,  in  the  Street  of  St.  John,  near  Clerkenwelle,  had  entered  into  a  bond 
with  him  to  pay  the  said  sum  on  the  Feast  of  the  Nativity  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist  next  ensuing,  and  although  frequently  called  upon  to  pay  the  debt  he 
had  hitherto  refused  to  do  so,  and  for  which  he  claimed  £40  as  damages. 

Thomas  Gerberge  appeared  in  person  and  stated  that  the  said  Roger, 
under  the  name  of  Roger  Swynarston,  after  the  making  of  the  bond,  viz.  on 
the  last  day  of  March  [?May],  13  R.  II.,  by  an  indenture  which  he  produced 
in  court,  and  which  recited  that  whereas  Thomas  Swynburne,  chivaler,  and 
the  said  Thomas  Gerberge  were  bound  to  the  said  Roger  Swynerton  in  a  sum 
of  100  marks  as  was  more  fully  set  out  in  the  bond,  and  likewise  that  the  said 
Thomas  Gerberge  by  another  deed  was  bound  in  a  sum  of  50  marks,  he 
(Roger  Swynerton)  conceded  for  himself  and  his  executors,  that  if  Rustine 
Vylenoof,  who  formerly  took  to  wife  Joan,  late  wife  of  John  Salisbury,  chivaler, 
should  not  impede  or  resist  that  a  divorce  should  be  made  between  the  said 
Rustine  and  Joan,  that  then  the  two  bonds  should  be  held  as  null  and  void, 
and  Thomas  Gerberge  stated  that  the  process  of  divorce  at  the  suit  of  the  said 
Roger  Swynerton  before  Robert,  the  Bishop  of  London,  between  the  said  Rus- 
tine and  Joan,  had  been  carried  out  according  to  the  ecclesiastical  law,  and  a 
divorce  bad  been  effected  between  the  said  Rustine  and  Joan,  and  the  said 
Rustine  had  not  impeded  nor  resisted  the  said  divorce,  and  therefore  the  said 
Roger  could  not  maintain  his  action. 

And  Roger  Swynerton  denied  that  the  indenture  produced  was  his  act 
and  deed,  and  appealed  to  a  jury,  and  as  the  indenture  purported  to  be  made 
at  Westminster,  the  Sheriff  of  Middlesex  was  ordered  to  summon  a  jury  for 
the  Quindene  of  St.  Hillary,  and  the  indenture  was  to  remain  in  the  custody 
of  William  Pountfreyt,  the  King's  clerk.  A  postscript  states  that  the  process 
was  continued  till  the  Quindene  of  St.  Michael,  4  H.  IV.  1402,  when  a  jury 
returned  a  verdict  that  the  indenture  was  not  the  act  of  Roger,  and  they 
assessed  his  damages  at  5  marks.  It  was  therefore  considered  that  Roger  should 
recover  his  debt,  and  the  said  damages,  and  the  Sheriff  was  ordered  to  arrest 
the  said  Thomas  Gerberge. 

Afterwards  on  2Oth  May,  4  H.  IV.  1403,  a  writ  of  error  was  issued  which 
transferred  the  suit  to  be  heard  again  before  the  King  (m.  480  dorso,  Staff". 
Coll.,  xv.  99-100). 

1  The  tournament  party  (V.  ante)   had  arrived  in  London  on  28  May. 


And  again,  in  4  H.  IV.  Trinity.  Middleiex. — The  suit  in  Banco  of  Roger 
de  Swynncrton,  armigcr,  against  Thomas  Gcrbcrgc,  knight,  for  a  debt  of  50 
marks,  in  which  Thomas  had  been  outlawed,  was  transferred  coram  Rtge,  by  a 
writ  of  error,  and  the  outlawry  was  annulled  (m.  Z7). 

Here  we  have  Roger  de  Swynnerton,  the  squire  who  in 
the  same  year  distinguished  himself  in  the  tournament  near 
Calais,  the  principal  party  in  a  plot  for  the  dissolution  of  mar- 
riage between  Rustine  Vylenoof  (Villeneuve)  and  his  wife 
Joan,  probably  on  the  ground  of  a  pre-contract  followed  by 
cohabitation.  If  the  lady  would  acknowledge  this  the  pope 
would  grant  a  dissolution  of  the  marriage.  What  was  his 
object  ?  The  fact  is  Joan  Vylenoof  was  a  daughter  and  co- 
heir of  Sir  John  de  Hastang,  lord  of  Chebsey  in  Eccleshall, 
and  she  inherited  Chebsey  as  part  of  her  purparty.  This  lady 
had  been  previously  married  to  Sir  John  Salisbury,  who,  as  we 
have  already  pointed  out,  had  incurred  the  enmity  of  Thomas, 
Duke  of  Gloucester,  the  king's  uncle,  and  had  been  attainted 
and  hanged  in  1388.  As  bailiff  at  Sir  John  Salisbury's  manor 
of  Walton  by  Chebsey,  Roger  Swynnerton  was  a  very  near 
neighbour  of  Joan,  when  imagination  may  suggest  that  the 
intimacy  between  the  two  began  and  ripened,  for  it  is  not  to 
be  supposed  that  Joan  was  not  acting  in  collusion  with  Roger 
in  the  matter  of  her  divorce.  At  any  rate  divorced  she  was, 
and  they  must  have  married,  for  as  we  have  just  seen  in  the 
suit  of  Michaelmas,  1 7  Ric.  II.,  Roger  de  Swynnerton  became 

The  curious  point  in  the  case  however  is  this.  If  Roger 
Swynnerton  procured  the  divorce  of  Joan  Vylenoof  and  after- 
wards married  her,  how  came  he  to  dare  to  move  against  Sir 
Thomas  Gerberge  ?  My  belief  is  that  he  did  many  her, 
perhaps  privately,  and  that  in  1401  when  he  brought  his 
action  Joan  was  deceased  without  issue  by  him.  Roger 
Swynnerton  was  no  longer  Roger  Swynnerton  of  Chebsey, 
and  he  may  have  thought  that  he  could  then  repudiate  his 
bond,  granting  that  he  ever  made  one,  as  to  which  the  evi- 
dence is  conflicting. 

We  have  seen  that  on  20  May,  4  Hen.  IV.  1403,  a 
writ  of  error  was  issued  to  transfer  the  suit  to  be  heard 
again  coram  rege.  Roger  had  however  gone  abroad,  for  on 
30  October,  the  year  before,  1402,  letters  of  protection 
were  enrolled  for  *  Roger  Swynerton,  alias  dictum  Swynarton,' 
who  was  in  the  king's  service  in  Picardy,  in  the  retinue  of 



the  king's  brother,  John,  Earl  of  Somerset,  captain  of  the  vill 
of  Calais,  available  for  a  year.1 

Letters  of  protection  stayed  all  legal  proceedings  against 
a  defendant  in  his  absence  on  the  king's  service.  Can  the 
*  alias  dictum  Swynarton  '  have  reference  to  the  incriminating 
indenture,  in  which,  as  Sir  Thomas  Gerberge  stated,  he  fig- 
ured '  under  the  name  of  Roger  Swynarston  '  ? 

Roger  Swynnerton  ended  his  days  at  Acton,  a  member  of 
Swynnerton,  adjoining  Butterton  in  Whitmore.  In  two  deeds 
of  Hugh  Colclogh,  dated  7  and  9  Hen.  IV.  1405  and  1407, 
concerning  lands  in  Chorlton,  'which  formerly  belonged  to 
Thomas  son  of  Richard  de  Swynnerton,'  he  is  the  principal 
witness,  in  the  first  as  '  Roger  Swynnerton  de  Acton,'  and  in 
the  other  as  '  Roger  de  Swinerton.' 2  He  was  still  living  in 
1418,  when  the  Subsidy  Roll  of  that  year,  6  Hen.  V.,  styles 
him  '  Roger  Swynerton  de  Acton,  armiger.' 3  He  could  not 
then  have  been  less  than  sixty-five,  and  he  appears  to  have 
died  without  issue. 


There  can  be  little  doubt  that  John  de  Swynerton  of  Whit- 
more  was  a  brother  of  Roger  de  Swynerton  of  the  preceding 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  3  Ric.  II.  1379,  Roger  de 
Swynarton  had  a  suit  of  customs  against  Thomas  de  Sheprugg 
and  John  de  Sheprugg  his  son.  In  21  Ric.  II.  1397,  13 
September,  we  have  in  the  Manor  Court  Rolls  of  Newcastle 
— Whitmore — The  frankpledges  there  presented  John  de 
Swenarton  for  an  assault  on  John  de  Sbeperug,  for  which  he  is 
fined  4*/.  and  a  penalty  is  also  laid  on  the  vill.* 

But  on  the  same  rolls  there  is  a  still  earlier  mention  of 
him  under  the  same  index — Wbitmore. — On  Saturday,  the 
feast  of  St.  Cecily,  6  Ric.  II.  (22  November,  1382),  John  de 
Swenarton  sued  Dame  Wolneshes  in  a  plea  of  debt ;  and  in 
the  same  year  on  the  feast  of  St.  Lucy  the  Virgin  (13  Decem- 
ber), Dame  Wolneshes  of  Whitmore  is  in  mnericordia  con- 
cerning the  said  debt  to  John  de  Swenarton.* 

On  the  same  rolls  under  the  index   Whitmoxe,   on    St. 

1  Staff.  Coll.  *  Harl.  MS.  506. 

3  Subs.  Rolls,  Record  Office.  *  Newcastle  Manor  Court  Rolls. 


Valentine's  Day,  8  Hen.  IV.  (14  February,  1407),  John  Swy- 
narton  with  Thomas  Wright,  Richard  de  Admaston  and 
Thomas  de  Ashe,  became  security  for  William  Lawton  that  he 
would  keep  the  peace  towards  Alice  Carter,  under  a  penalty 
of  £20.' 

These  various  evidences  are  quite  sufficiently  strong  to 
establish  the  truth  of  Chetwynd's  statement  that  in  8 
Richard  II.  1384,  there  was  living  a  'John  Swinnerton  of 

There  is  however  something  else.  In  Canon  Bridgeman's 
History  of  the  Swynnertons  Chetwynd  is  quoted  as  saying  that 
c  John  Swinnerton  bought  all  the  lands  at  Butterton,  which 
had  belonged  to  William  Badkin  of  Fulford,  in  7  Edw.  II.' 
(1313),  and  in  my  Earlier  Swynnertons  of  Ecclesball*  I  show 
that,  if  Chetwynd  is  right  in  the  date,  John  Swinnerton  must 
have  been  John  de  Swynnerton  of  Isewall,  whose  lands  after- 
wards went  to  Lord  Roger  de  Swynnerton  of  Swynnerton  as 
next  of  kin. 

But  Chetwynd  may  have  written,  and  probably  did  write, 
7  Edw.  II.  by  mistake  for  7  Ric.  II.,  a  remark  which  is  sug- 
gested by  the  following  plea  : — 

Pleas  of  Assize  taken  at  Lichfield  on  the  Monday  in  the 
fourth  week  of  Lent,  5  Ric.  II.  (Assize  Roll,  No.  1493) — 

Staff.  An  assize,  etc.,  if  Adam  de  le  Lombe,  Robert  son 
of  Hugh  de  Burweston  (Burston)  near  Stone  and  Joan  his 
wife,  John  Pye  and  Margery  his  wife,  and  John  de  Ryder  of 
Wareton  and  Isolde  his  wife,  had  unjustly  disseised  WILLIAM 
BATKIN  of  FULFORD  and  Elizabeth  his  wife,  of  two  messuages, 
a  toft,  sixty  acres  of  land,  and  the  third  part  of  a  messuage 
in  ACTON  near  Swynnerton  and  BOTURTON  near  Hancbircb.  The 
jury  stated  that  the  plaintiffs  had  been  disseised,  vi  et  amis, 
by  the  defendants,  and  they  assessed  their  damages  at  £6  6s.  8</. 
The  plaintiffs  therefore  were  to  recover  seisin  of  the  tene- 
ments, and  the  sheriff  was  ordered  to  arrest  the  defendants. 

This  suit  was  tried  in  1382,  and  as  Chetwynd  records  a 
John  Swinnerton  of  Butterton  as  living  in  1384,  it  is  but 
reasonable  to  conclude  that  he  was  the  purchaser  of  Badkin's 
lands.  True,  there  were  also  Badkins  of  Fulford  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  II.,  as  the  Subsidy  Roll  of  1327  shows. 
That  however  proves  nothing.  The  one  thing  certain  is  that 
in  5  Ric.  II.  1382,  William  Badkin  of  Fulford  had  entry  into 
1  Staff.  Coll.  vol.  Mti. 


certain  lands  in  Butterton  and  Acton  only  through  his  wife 
Elizabeth,  who  seems  to  have  been  the  relict  (the  second  wife 
perhaps)  of  the  former  tenant,  and  whom  the  apparent  heirs- 
at-law  failed  to  dispossess.  And  the  probability  is  that  this 
was  the  '  William  Badkin  of  Fulford '  mentioned  by  Chet- 
wynd,  who,  two  years  after,  sold  these  lands  to  '  John  Swin- 
nerton,'  residing  at  the  same  place,  and  wisely  too,  if  his  title 
was  so  uncertain  and  so  assailable. 

The  following  entry  on  the  Newcastle  Rolls  shows  John 
de  Swynerton  to  have  been  the  continuator  of  the  line:  — 

In  3  Hen.  IV.,  on  the  Saturday  next  before  the  feast  ot 
St.  Lucy  the  Virgin  (13  December,  1401),  '  ROGER  son  of 
JOHN  de  SWYNERTON,'  is  presented  by  the  frankpledges  of 
Hanchirche  for  an  assault  on  John  Elkyn,  for  which  he  is 
fined  3*/.  This  Roger  in  a  suit  of  i  May,  1445,  is  dis- 
tinctively styled '  ROGER  SWYNARTON  of  BOTURTON,M  not  how- 
ever that  he  was  ever  lord  of  Butterton,  but  that  all  these 
Swynnertons  of  Whitmore  held  lands  there. 

The  suit  is  one  in  which  he  complains  of  Nicholas  Browne 
of  Hanchirche  and  other  tenants  there  in  a  plea  of  customs.1 
At  the  same  court  Roger  Swynarton  apparently  obtains  some 
concession  with  respect  to  a  hedge  and  ditch  on  the  road 
leading  from  Boturton  to  Hanchirche.1 

The  following  notices  from  the  Court  Rolls  of  Newcastle 
probably  refer  to  the  brothers  or  near  relations  of  Roger 
Swynnerton : — 

On  4  October,  12  Hen.  IV.  1410,  Nicholas  de  Swyner- 
ton is  successful  in  a  plea  against  John  del  Wodde,  when 
the  latter  is  fined  id.  On  10  October,  6  Hen.  VI.  1427, 
Nicholas  de  Swynarton  is  amerced  in  the  sum  of  6d.  for 
breaking  the  assize  of  beer,  on  the  presentation  of  Richard 
de  Bromley  and  John  Shokelage,  the  frankpledges  of  Whit- 
more.  On  the  Saturday  next  before  the  Feast  of  Edmund 
the  King,  24  Hen.  VI.  1445,  Stephen  Swynerton  by  William 
Lovat  his  attorney,  sues  Roger  Burgelon  for  a  debt.  To  these 
should  be  added  the  following : — 

De  Banco,  6  Hen.  IV.  Michaelmas  (xvi.  44).  Staff.  'Thomas 
son  of  Nicholas  de  Swynerton  '  sued  Thomas  Shepherd  of 
Charnes,  William  Blest,  cartwright,  and  Reynold  Cowper  of 
Charnes,  for  killing  his  mare  at  Charnes,  which  was  worth 

1  Newcastle  Manor  Court  Rolls  at  Newcastle. 


40*.,  and  taking  a  mare  and  colt  belonging  to  him  from  the 
same  place  worth  40;.  Defendant  did  not  appear  (m.  259, 

The  Butterton  pedigree  in  Burkes  Landed  Gentry  refers 
to  c  Roger  Swinnerton  of  Butterton,'  under  date  1 6  Hen.  VI. 
1437-8.  Roger  Swynnerton  of  Butterton  appears  to  have 
had  several  sons :  John  the  eldest,  Thomas  the  ancestor  of  the 
succeeding  Swinnertons  of  Butterton,  and  probably  Richard. 

Of  these  sons,  Thomas,  who  married  a  Clayton  heiress, 
appears  to  have  bought  out  his  brothers'  interest  in  Butter- 
ton,  for  in  33  Hen.  VI.  1455,  in  a  deed  of  Thomas  son  of 
Thomas  Clayton  of  Clayton  Griffin,  on  the  Wednesday  next 
before  the  feast  of  St.  Thomas  the  Apostle,  he  appears  in  the 
witness  clause  as  '  Thomas  Swynarton  de  Butterton.' '  The 
third  (supposed)  brother  Richard  occurs,  6  May,  8  Edw.  IV. 
1468,  as  a  juror  at  the  manor  court  of  Tunstall  ;  and  in 
October  of  the  same  year  the  vill  of  Brerehurst  is  amerced 
4</.  on  the  presentment  of  the  frankpledges  there,]  because 
Richard  de  Swynnerton  and  Joan  Elyot  owed  suit  and  ser- 
vice and  failed  to  appear.* 

Roger  Swynnerton  of  Butterton  however  must  have  de- 
ceased by  1447,  for  in  that  year  we  find  him  represented  by 
JOHN  son  of  ROGER  de  SWYNARTON.  In  25  Hen.  VI.  1447, 
on  the  Monday  next  before  the  Feast  of  St.  Margaret  the 
Virgin,  Sir  John  Kerbyle,  the  chaplain  of  the  parish  of 
Newcastle-under-Lyme,  conferred  by  charter  on  '  John  son 
of  Roger  de  Swynarton,' 3  William  Lovott  of  Halleclayton 
and  Thomas  son  of  John  de  Clayton,  senior,  dwelling  in 
Weston  Coyne,  all  the  lands,  tenements,  etc.,  which  he, 
Robert  Kerbyle  and  Henry  Penckehull,  chaplain,  lately  had 
in  trust  of  the  gift  and  enfeoffment  of  John  Clayton  of 
Halleclayton,  late  deceased,  to  have  and  to  hold,  etc.,  to  the 
aforesaid  'John  Swynarton,'  etc.,  etc.,  which  also  the  said 
Robert  and  his  heirs,  etc.,  will  warrant,  etc.,  to  the  afore- 
said '  John  son  of  Roger  de  Swynarton,'  etc.,  against  all  men. 
Witnesses,  John  Machon  of  Penckehull,  Roger  his  son,  and 

1  Original  Deed  at  Trentham  penes  the  Duke  of  Sutherland. 

2  Court  Rolls  of  Tunstall  at  Keele  Hall. 

1  The  name  is  written  Swyn'rton  =  either  Swynarton  or  Swynerton. 

*  Original  deed  at  Trentham. 


An  account  of  the  further  descendants  of  these  Swynnertons 
of  Whitmore  will  be  found  in  the  History  of  the  Family  of 
Swynnerton,  published  by  the  Stafford  Historical  Society  (vol. 

NOTE. — There  cannot  be  a  doubt,  as  Harwood  in  his  Introduction  to 
Erdesvilck  remarks,  that  at  this  period  younger,  and  especially  poorer,  families 
began  to  difference  the  spellings  of  their  names  by  way  of  distinction.  These 
Swynnertons  retained  the  spelling  '  Swynerton,' '  Swenarton  '  (or  '  Swynarton ') 
up  to  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.,  when  the  older  spelling  with  the  double  « 
was  reverted  to.  In  the  time  of  Cromwell  i  supplemented  y,  thus  reverting 
to  a  still  older  type,  that  of  the  twelfth  century,  when  the  name  almost  invari- 
ably appears  as  '  Swinnerton  '  or  '  Swinerton.'  At  the  present  day  the  tend- 
ency in  personal  names  is  in  favour  of  '  y  '  to  the  displacement  of '  i'. 



Sir  Roger  de  Swynnerton,  a  banneret  =  Maude 
lord  of  Swynncrton,  etc.,  1298-1338   : 

*  John  dc  Swynnerton  '  of  Whitmorc.    A  =  Joan  relict  in  1 362 
younger  son.      Oc.  1345;   1351;   1362    I 

I  I 

'  Roger  de  Swynerton  '  *  of  =  Joan,  dau.  and  co-h.  (>t  Sir  John  de  '  John  dc  Swynerton  '  *  of 

Whitmore.        Oc.    1375-        Hastang,  lord  of  Cheb»ey.     Fir«t  Whitmore.       Oc.    1382; 

1418.  Third  husband.   Ob.      husband,      Sir     John     Salisbury,  1384;    1407 
s. p.                                                 hanged    1388;     second    husband, 
Rust  in  Villcneuve 

*  John  son 

4  Roger  son  of  John  de  Swynerton '  *  of  Whitmore, 
'of  Boturton,'  etc.     Oc.  1407-45 

fi  of  Roger  de  Swynerton'1  Thomas  of  Butterton,  =  Margaret  dau.  of  Thos. 

Whitmore.     Oc.  1446-68  younger  son.  Oc.  1454-  I   Clayton   of  Ridge   Hill 

89.     Ancestor    of   the  I  son  and  heir  of  Hugh 
later  '  Swinnertons 

•  Roger  son  of  John  Swynnerton  ' 
of  Whitmore.     Oc.  1479-1513 

of  Butterton,  =  Margaret  dau.  of  Thos. 
son.  Oc.  1454-  I  Clayton  of  Ridge  Hill 
tcestor  of  the  I  son  and  heir  of  Hugh 
winner-tons  of  I  Clayton 


John  son  of  Roger  Swynnerton  =  Alice  Richard  son  of  Roger  Swynnerton  of  = 

ef  Whitmorc.      Oc.   1510-47. 
Ob.  1547 

Whitmore.  Oc.  1503-47.  Ob.  1547. 
Ancestor  of  the  Swinnertons  of  Betley 
and  Douglas 


Roger  son  of  John  Swynnerton  of  =  Amy t 
Whitmore.    Oc.  1547.    Ob.  1575 

John  son  of  Roger  Swynnerton  of  Whitmore.         Edward  Swynnerton  =  Margaret 
B.  before  1547.     Ob.  April,  1560,  s. p.  of  Whitmore.     Ob.  I 

Feb.  1635 

Edward  becoming  the  continuator  of  the  line  there  comes  now  a  succession  of  fire 
Edwards,  and  '  Roger  '  and  '  John '  cease  to  be  used  as  the  distinctive  names,  in  alternation, 
of  eldest  sons.  It  will  be  seen  however  that  the  sequence  of  the  two  distinctive  names 
'John '  and  '  Roger '  had  been  strictly  observed  right  down  from  the  first.  For  the  rest  of 
the  pedigree  see  Canon  Bridgcman's  Hilary  of  the  Svynitertoni  (Staff.  Col.  yol.  vii.) 

1   Also  '  Swynarton '  and  '  Swenarton.' 




AMONGST   the  deeds  which    I  was   permitted' [to   see 
when  in  October,  1 902, 1  was  working  among  the  West- 
morland muniments  at  Lowther  for  the  Victoria  History  of  the 
Counties,  was  one  which  from  the  first  perusal  I   saw  was  of 
exceeding   interest.      It    had   had  but  little   chance  of  being 
noticed  ;    its    decipherment  and   its  interpretation'  presented 
sundry  difficulties.     For    it  was  not   the  original   deed.     It 
seemed  to  have  plain  evidence  of  being  a  copy  of  a  copy.     It 
was  in  a  dialect  of  Anglo-Saxon  ;  but  the  letters  are  not  all 
Anglo-Saxon,  and  the  style  of  some  of  them  reminds  one 
strongly  of  the  letters  in  the  Latin  charters  of  the  end  of  the 
twelfth  century.     The  first  copy  seems  to  have  been  made 
when  the  language  called  Anglo-Saxon  was  still  a  living  tongue, 
and  while  the  letters  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  alphabet  could  still 
be  easily  read.     In  some  of  the  words  the  Anglo-Saxon  p  is 
used  ;  but  the  proper  names  have  the  initial  combination  Th, 
and  there  is  the  unusual  '  theam '  for  '  team  '  and  '  gyrth  '  for 
'  gri*.'     After  the  coming  of  King  William  and  the  Normans 
this  p  was   sometimes   mistaken   for  P,  and  later  for  y — as 
'  ye '  for  *  the '  reminds  us.     In  Westmorland  deeds  I  found 
it   occasionally   used  in  thirteenth  century    documents  (e.g. 
Loupre  for  Lowther).     And  the  old  dialect   was  still  to  be 
'  understanded  of  the  people,'  even  at  the  end  of  the   four- 
teenth century.     To  this  the  motto  of  the  Cliburn  (Clibborn) 
family  seems  to  bear  witness.     This  could  not  possibly  belong 
to  an  earlier  time,  for  only  late  in  the  days  of  Edward  III.  did 
that  family  assume  the  name  of  Cliburn.     The  motto,  inter- 
esting I    think  as    a    rare  example  of  a  mediaeval  English 
motto,  was  *  Ne  lof  clibbor  ne  (na)  sceame,*  '  and  was  handed 
down  with  various  loppings  till  in  the  seventeenth  century  it 
came  to  the    unmeaning  '  Clibbor  ne  sceame.'     In  the  four- 
teenth century  one  might  accordingly  suppose  that  a  copyist 
could  still  read  and  understand  the  twelfth  century  copy  of 
the  deed.     But  the  existing  copy  shows  plain  signs  I  think  of 
having  been  made  later  by  one  who  knew  little  if  anything  of 
Anglo-Saxon  letters  or  Anglo-Saxon  words.     There  seems  an 
*  '  Neither  praise  clings  nor  disgrace  '  (shame). 


uncertainty  e.g.  about  some  of  the  shapes  of  the  letters,  as 
if  the  copyist  had  to  look  twice  in  order  to  distinguish  be- 
tween p  (th)  p  (w)  and  y  (y)  ;  and  some  words  needed  for 
the  sense  are  omitted  and  other  words  appear  misread. 

The  dialect  of  the  deed  as  might  be  conjectured  from  the 
position  of  Cumberland — a  borderland  *  inhabited  by  mixed 
races  —  shows  disintegration  of  inflectional  endings  and  of 
other  grammar,  as  does  the  motto  quoted  above  (with  c  sceame  ' 
for  '  sceamu')  ;  and  one  traces  in  it,  in  the  matrix  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon,  Gaelic,  Cymric  and  Norse. 

It  was  of  no  use  I  found  to  attempt  interpretation  from 
a  mere  transcript  and  without  an  accurate  drawing,  which  I 
had  neither  permission  nor  time  to  make,  or  else  without  a 
photograph  to  study.  For  this  I  begged,  and  a  photograph 
was  taken  and  a  copy  sent  me  towards  the  end  of  the  year. 
The  attention  thus  drawn  to  the  deed  has  naturally  awakened 
an  interest  which  grows. 

By  means  of  the  photograph  it  was  possible  to  overcome 
some  of  the  difficulties  and  to  attempt  to  restore  the  text, 
and  to  interpret  it.  For  some  very  acute  suggestions  in  the 
rendering  I  was  indebted  to  a  friena  and  neighbour  Mr.  Ber- 
tram Bevan-Petman  of  King's  College,  Cambridge  ;  and  before 
he  left  for  India,  in  January  last,  the  following  translation  was 
completed  and  sent  to  the  editors  of  the  Victoria  History. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Gospatrik  the  contemporary  of 
Earl  Siward  was  English  only  by  the  mother's  side,  his  father 
being  of  Scottish  descent.  The  allusion  to  Earl  Siward  seems 
to  offer  a  possibility  of  suggesting  a  date.  Siward  was  Earl  of 
Northumberland  up  to  1055.  Gospatrik  was  not  earl  thereof 
till  1067.  It  would  seem  that  this  deed  dates  from  the  time 
when  Earl  Siward  was  Earl  Gospatrik's  overlord. 

I  have  but  made  philological  comment  on  what  seemed  to 
press  most  for  remark.  The  historical  interest  of  the  deed 
will  perhaps  appeal  to  readers  of  the  Ancestor  more  than  the 

1  The  district  is  called  Fames  (Furness)  in  Galewaythe  (Galloway)  once 
in  Rot.  Cur.  Reg.  37  Hen.  III.  (I  quote  the  reference  from  Bain,  Document! 
llluitrativc  of  Scottish  History.) 




Gospatrik  greot  ealle  mine  was- 
senas  and  hyylkun  mann  freo  and 
tSrenge  )>eo  woonan  on  eallun  J>am 
landann  J>eo  weoron  Combres  and 
eallun  mine  kynling  freondlycc,  and 
ic  cytSe  eoy  J>set  myne  mynna  1  is 
and  full  leof  J»aet  Thorfynn2  mac 
There  beo  swa  freo  on  eallan 
Synges  J>eo  beo  myne  on  Alnerdall 
swa  senyg  mann  beo  oSer  ic  otier 
asnyg  myne  wassenas  on  weald  s  on 
freyft  4  on  heyninga  5  and  set  allun 
ftyngan  J>eo  byn  eoriJe  bcenand  and 
tSeorontier  to  Shauk  to  Wafyr  to 
poll  WaSeen  to  bek  Troyte  and  }>eo 
weald  set  Caldebek  and  ic  wille  J-aet 
)>eo  mann  6  bydann  mio"  Thorfynn 
set  CartSeu  and  CombeSeyfoch  beo 
swa  freals  mytS  hem  swa  Melmor 
and  Thore  and  Sygolf  weoron  on 
Eadread  dagan  and  ne  beo  neann 

1  mynna  must  be  the  word  which  existed 
in  Old  Saxon  as  '  minna.' 

3  Thorfynn  mac  Thore.  Thorfynn  is  a 
Norse  name  and  so  is  Thore.  One  would 
naturally  expect  here  Thorfynn  Thoressen 
(Thoreson),  but  there  is  a  parallel  in  the 
name  of  a  witness  to  a  deed  of  Rushen 
Abbey,  Isle  of  Man,  circ.  1300.  St.  Bees 
MS.  (Harleian,  434),  'Thorfinn  mac 
Thoryn.'  The  mac  is  of  course  Gaelic. 

3  weald  seems  to  represent  the  Norse 
vollr=veldt,  open  land. 

4  freyS.     I  take  to  be  firth = fiord. 

5  heyninga.     Compare  Norse  'hegna,' 
to  enclose  ;   Danish    '  hegn,'   hedge,  and 
Ihe  Cumberland  and  Westmorland  names 
'  hay.' 

•  J>eo  ()>e  ?)  seems  here  omitted. 


I  Gospatrik  greet  all  my  vassals 
and  each  man  free  and  serf  that 
dwell  in  all  the  lands  that  were 
Cumbrian a  and  all  my  kindred 
kindly,  and  I  do  you  to  wit  that 
my  desire  is — and  it  is  most  com- 
pletely to  my  wish — that  Thorfynn 
mac  Thore  be  as  free  in  all  things 
that  are  mine  in  Alnerdall  b  as  any 
man  is  either  I  or  any  of  my  vassals, 
on  field  on  frith  on  enclosed  land, 
and  in  regard  to  all  things  that 
dwell  on  the  earth  and  under,  as  far 
as  Shauk,"  Wafyr,d  Pool  Watheen,' 
bek  Troyte '  and  the  open  field  at 
Caldebek,'  and  I  will  that  the  men 
that  dwell  with  Thorfynn  at  Cart5eub 
and  at  Combet5eyfochb  be  as  free  to- 
gether with  him  as  Melmor  and 
Thore  and  Sygolf  were  on  Bad- 
read's  '  days ;  and  let  no  man  be 

B  Combres.  Mr.  Bevan-Petman  thought 
this  might  be  the  genitive  of  a  personal 
name.'.but  it  seems  more  natural  to  me  to 
take  it  as  an  adjective  with  the  ending 
lost  or  omitted  by  the  copyist,  viz.  Com- 
bresc  (for  Combraisc)= Cumbrian. 

"  Alnerdall =Uldale,  the  dale  of  the 
river  Ellen. 

«  Shauk.  The  'sh'  is  difficult.  Its 
representative  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  '  See,' 
but  the  identification  is  easy.  Chalkbeck 
discharges  itself  into  the  Wampool  near 
Thursby  (Thoresby). 

d  Wafyr  (f  soft  as  in  Welsh  ?)= river 
Waver  near  Wigton  in  the  same  district. 

e  Pol  Watheen.  River  Wampole.  The 
loss  of  'th'  in  the  name  will  not  offer 
difficulty  to  students  of  Gaelic  nor  students 
of  Cumbrian  place  names.  Analogies  are 
in  Welsh  Pwl-heli,  Pwlcrochan  and  Welsh- 
pool  as  an  Anglicised  form.  Pwll=pool 
(turbid  ?). 

*  bek  Troyte,  Troytebeck  or  Troutbeck. 
I  have  not  been  able  to  identify  this  in 
that  district. 

e  Caldebek.  In  Caldbeck  Fell  and  near 
it  the  above  streams  rise. 

h  Cardew  and  Cumdivock  are  both  in 
the  district  where  the  above  streams  are, 
near  Thursby  and  Dalston.  Combe'Sey- 
foch  I  am  tempted  to  suggest=Cwmbethey- 
fach,  Cwmbethey  the  little,  like  Y  Glyder 
fach  (the  little  Glyder)  near  Snowdon. 

'  Eadread  should,  I  think,  be  Ealdread, 
who  was  Earl  of  Northumberland  after 
Uhtred,  i.e.  after  1016.  He  was  of  Gos- 
patrik's  kindred. 

A    CHARTER    OF    GOSPATRIK         247 

mann  swa  Seorif  7  (b)ehat 8  mit5  }>aet 
ic  heobbe  gegyfene  to  hem  ne  ghar 
brech  seo  gyrth  Syylc  Eorl  Syward 
and  ic  hebbe  gecyften  hem  cefre- 
lycc 9  swa  aenyg  mann  leofand  )>eo 
welkynn  SeoronSer  and  lot 10  hyyl- 
kun u  byn  J>ar  bytSann  geyldfreo 
beo  swa  ic  byn  and  swa  willann  ia 
Waltheof  and  Wygande  and  Wy- 
berth  and  Gamell  and  Knyth  1S  and 
eallun  mine  kynling  and  wassenas 
and  ic  wille  )>set  Thorfynn  heobbe 
soc  and  soc  toll  and  theam  ofer 
eallun  pam  landan  on  CarSeu  and 
on  CombeSeyfoch  paet  weoran  gy- 
fene  Thore  on  Moryn  dagan  freols 
myd  bode  and  wytnesmann  on  }>yylk 

"  tSeorif,  I  think,  is  an  error  for  fleorof, 
'  thereof  ;  compare  tSeoronSer  above. 

8  The  text  is  here  confused,  I  think,  by 
omissions,  and  I  conjecture  it  might  run  : 
'  swa  Seorof  behat  miS  )>set  ket  ic  heobbe 
gegyfene  swa  At  to  hem  nahwar  brech  seo 
gyrth  ' ;  and  translated  as  I  have  rendered 
it.  gyrth=grith,  grr5,  and  the  first  letter 
of  behat  is  blotted. 

*  cefrelycc,  I  think,  is  a  copyist's  error 
for  swa  freolicc  (i.e.  freolice). 

10  lot,  probably  error  for  '  let." 

11  t>e  is  apparently  omitted. 

18  willann  I  thought  at  first  was  a  per- 
sonal name  and  that  '  and  '  was  omitted. 
But  Mr.  Bevan-Petman  comparing  woonan 
above  takes  it  for  a  verb.  To  this  after 
some  thought  I  have  consented.  But  a 
personal  name  or  family  name  Willan 
occurs  in  Westmorland  documents  much 

13  Kunyth  I  took  as  being  probably  = 
Knut  (Canute) ;  Mr.  Bevan-Petman  sug- 
gested Kenneth. 

so  angred(?)  on  account  of  this 
that  I  have  bestowed  this  on  him 
that  he  anywhere  breaks  the  peace 
which  Earl  Siward  and  I  have  pro- 
claimed to  him  as  freely  as  any  man 
living  under  heaven,  and  let  each 
that  dwells  there  be  geld  free  as  I 
am.  And  so  will  Waltheof  and 
Wygande  and  Wyberth  and  Gamell 
and  Kunyth  and  all  my  kindred 
and  vassals ;  and  I  will  that  Thor- 
fynn have  soc  and  sac  and  toll  and 
team  over  all  the  lands  at  CarSeu 
and  CombeSeyfoch  that  were  given 
to  Thore  in  Moryn's  days  by  pro- 
clamation and  before  witnesses  at 
that  place. 






HUGH  DE  VERE,  LORD  OF  SWANSCOMBE  in  Kent,  second 
son  of  Robert,  fifth  Earl  of  Oxford,  was  born  about  1264. 
He  had  Swanscombe  by  a  great  marriage  with  Denise,  daugh- 
ter and  heir  of  Sir  William  de  Monchensi,  which  William's 
mother  was  one  of  the  sisters  and  coheirs  of  Anselm  Marshal, 
Earl  of  Pembroke.  He  died  about  1313  leaving  no  issue. 
He  bore  these  arms  at  Caerlaverock. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  his  arms — quarterly  with  a  molet  in  the  quarter  and  a  border 
engrailed.  Above  is  a  wild  boar  (verres),  the  badge  of  Vere,  and  two 
wingless  dragons  are  at  the  sides.  SIGILL'  HVGONIS  •  DE  •  VEER. 


WILLIAM  DE  BREOUSE,  LORD  OF  GOWER  in  south  Wales, 
succeeded  his  father,  another  William,  in  1290.  He  was  a 
soldier  in  the  Welsh  and  Scottish  wars,  and  had  the  character 
of  being  a  great  waster  of  his  substance.  He  died  without 
issue  male  in  19  Edward  II. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  his  arms — erusilly  with  a  &>»— S'  WILL'I  •  DE  •  BREOVSE  • 
D'NI  •  HONOR'  •  DE  •  BREMBR'  •  &  •  DE  •  GOER' 

COUNTERSEAL  of  an  engraved  gem — a  lion  setting  his  paw  upon  a  dragon  or 
wyvern.  Below  the  lion  is  a  millrind  cross  and  above  a  flying  eagle  (?) 


born  about  1270  and  succeeded  as  heir  of  his  brother  Roger 
in  1297.  He  served  in  Scotland  and  France,  and  died  with- 
out issue  in  1329. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms — a  lion — with  two  wryerns  at  the  sides.  S1  RO- 






was  aged  twenty-four  at  the  death  of  his  father,  another 
Robert,  in  1298.  He  was  in  the  Gascon  and  Scottish  wars. 
At  the  age  of  fourteen  he  married  Eve  de  Tibetot,  the  bride 
being  under  thirteen  years  of  age.  He  died  31  Edw.  I., 
leaving  an  only  son  who  died  young. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — checkered  with  a  chief  ermine  and  a  label  (of  three  pen- 
dants).    S'  ROBERTI  •  DE  •  TATESHALE. 


REYNOLD  DE  GREY,  LORD  OF  RUTHYN  in  the  marches  of 
Wales,  was  son  and  heir  of  Sir  John  de  Grey,  steward  of 
Gascony,  who  was  a  second  son  of  Grey  of  Greys  Thurrock, 
the  main  line  of  this  house.  He  succeeded  his  father  in 
50  Hen.  III.,  and  was  Justice  of  Chester.  He  died 
i  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — barry  with  a  label  (of five  pendants)*     SlfGILLJVM  • 
R[E]GINA[LDI]  •  DE  •  GREY. 


HENRY  DE  GREY,  LORD  OF  CODNOR  in  Derbyshire,  was 
son  and  heir  of  John  Grey  of  Codnor,  grandson  of  Henry 
Grey,  the  first  Grey  of  Greys  Thurrock,  the  housefather  of 
this  great  house  or  Grey.  He  succeeded  his  father  in  56 
Hen.  III.,  and  served  in  Wales,  France  and  Scotland.  He 
died  2  Edw.  II. 
SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms— barrj.  DE  •  LEAVTE  •  S[ERVA]VNTE  [?} 

This  seal  only  remains  to  the  A  copy  of  the  letter. 


HUGH  BARDOLFE,  LORD  OF  WORMEGAY  in  Norfolk,  was 
born  29  September,  1259,  and  succeeded  his  father  in  1289. 
He  followed  Henry  de  Lacy,  Earl  of  Lincoln,  at  Caerlaverock, 
where  he  bore  on  his  banner  of  azure  three  cinqfoils  of  fine 
gold.  The  songmaker  calls  him  rich,  valiant  and  courteous. 
He  died  in  1304. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — three  cinqjolh. 

1  These  well   known  arms  are  most  quaintly  described    in   the  printed 
catalogue  of  the  British  Museum  seals  as  'barry  of  one.' 



ROBERT  DE  TONY,  LORD  OF  MAUD  CASTLE  in  the  marches 
of  Wales,  succeeded  his  father  Ralph  de  Tony  in  1264.  He 
died  s.p.  3  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — a  sleeve.     CHEVALER  [AL  •  MIRE  ?]. 


WILLIAM  DE  Ros,  LORD  OF  HAMLAK.E  in  Yorkshire,  was 
aged  30  years  at  his  father's  death  in  1285,  and  was  one  of 
the  claimants  for  the  Scottish  crown  in  1292.  In  Scotland  he 
held  the  offices  of  King's  Lieutenant  and  Joint  Warden  of  the 
West  Marches.  He  died  10  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — three  water  bougets — with  two  wingless  dragons  or 
wyverns  at  the  sides.     S'  WILLELMI  •  DE  •  ROS. 

This  seal  remains  only  on  the  A  copy  of  the  letter. 


about  seven  years  at  his  father's  death  in  1282,  and  succeeded 
Roger  his  grandfather  in  1286.  He  was  killed  at  Bannock- 
burn  in  1314. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — a  fesii  in  a  checkered  Md — with  six  rings  round  the 
shield.     S'  ROBERTI  •  DE  •  CLIFORT. 


and  the  fourth  of  the  seven  Peters  of  his  line,  had  livery  of  his 
lands  in  7  Edw.  I.  and  was  a  soldier  in  Wales,  Scotland  and 
France.  He  died  in  1310. 

SEAL.     The  knight  galloping  'on  horseback  sword  in  hand.     Horse  and  rider 

have  the  fan  crest.     The  shield  and  horse-trappers  bear  his  arms — a  bend. 

S'  PETRI  •  DE  •  MALO  •  LACV  •  TERCII.     This  seal  must  be  that 

of  the  third  Peter  de":Mauley,  father  of  the  sealer. 
COUNTERSEAL.     A  shield  of  the  arms  of  Mauley,  with  a  leopard  at  the  top 

and  two  more  at  the  sides  of  the  shield.    SEEL-  PRIVE  -SVY  -APELE.i 

1  The  beasts  round  the  shields  are  wrongly  described  in  the  B.M.  cata- 
logue of  seals  as  rampant.  Sir  N.  Harris  Nicolas  speaks  of  the  fourth  word 
of  the  counterseal  inscription  as  '  not  to  be  easily  explained '  ! 








SEALS    OF   THE    BARONS'    LETTER  251 


PHILIP  OF  KYME,  LORD  OF  KYME  in  Kesteven,  was  in 
the  French  and  Scottish  wars,  and  died  in  16  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms — trustify  with  a  chevenm — between  three  wingless 
dragons.  CHER  •  AMI  •  FETES  •  PVR  •  MAI.  This  shield  is  else- 
where found  in  use  as  a  counterseal  to  a  larger  one. 


of  Roger  fitz  John  of  Clavering,  succeeded  his  father  in  1249. 
With  his  son  John  he  appeared  before  Caerlaverock.  He 
died  in  1310.  His  seal  is  not  found  amongst  those  fastened 
to  the  letter.] 


JOHN  DE  MOHUN,  LORD  OF  DUNSTER  in  Somerset,  suc- 
ceeded his  father  at  the  age  of  ten  years  in  1279.  He  died 
about  1330. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms— a  cms  engrailed.  S'  IOHANIS  •  DE  •  MOVN. 
The  shield  is  hung  round  the  neck  of  an  eagle  and  has  a  lion  passant  on 
either  side. 


shire, was  born  in  1267  or  1268,  and  was  heir  to  his  elder 
brother  Guy.  He  was  Governor  of  Bordeaux  for  the  King 
in  1304,  and  died  without  issue  in  1310. 

SKAL.  A  shield  of  arms — -fretty  with  a  chief  and  three  roundels  thereon — between 
three  wingless  dragons.  S'  ALMAVRICI  •  OE  •  S'C'O  •  AMENDO. 


ALAN  LA  ZOUCHE,  LORD  OF  ASHBY  de  la  Zouche  in 
Leicestershire,  and  descended  of  a  family  which,  by  variously 
traced  pedigrees,  claimed  descent  from  the  house  of  Brittany, 
was  aged  eighteen  at  his  father's  death  in  13  Edw.  I.  He 
served  in  Gascony  and  Scotland,  and  was  Governor  of  the 
castle  of  Rockingham  and  Steward  of  the  forest.  He  died 
without  male  issue  in  7  Edw.  II. 

SKAL.  A  shield  of  arms — ten  roundels — hung  round  the  neck  of  a  lion.  Round 
the  shield  are  six  little  lions  from  the  shield  of  the  Longespees. 



WILLIAM  DE  FERRERS,  LORD  OF  GROBY  in  Leicestershire, 
was  aged  eighteen  at  his  father's  death  in  1288  and  died  in 
1  8  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms  —  seven  voided  lozenges  —  hung  from  the  neck  of  an 
eagle  with  two  heads.  SIGILL'  WILL'I  •  DE  •  FERARIIS. 


shire, was  son  of  John  de  Verdun  who  was  killed  in  Ireland 
in  1278.  He  died  in  1309  at  his  castle  of  Alton  in  Stafford- 

SIAL.  The  knight  galloping  on  horseback,  sword  in  hand.  The  horse-trap- 
pers and  shield  have  the  arms—  fretty.  SIGILLVM  •  THEOBALDI  •  DE  • 


had  livery  in  1281  of  the  lands  of  his  father  Gerard.  He 
died  in 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms  —  a  bend  and  six  martlets  —  upon  a  burelly  ground 
with  a  lion  passant  (or  rampant)  on  either  side  of  the  shield. 


land, succeeded  his  father,  another  Thomas,  in  1294.  He 
died  in  1321-2. 

SEAL.  The  knight  galloping  his  horse,  sword  in  hand.  The  shield  and  trap- 
pers have  the  arms  —  three  bars.  The  helm  and  the  horse's  head  both 
bear  the  fan  crest.  SIGILLVM  •  THOME  •  DE  •  MOVLTON. 


WILLIAM  LE  LATIMER,  LORD  OF  CORBY,  called  the  rich 
Latimer,  was  son  and  heir  of  another  William,  and  had  Corby 
by  marriage  about  1257  with  Alice,  daughter  and  coheir  of 
John  Ledet  alias  Braybrooke  of  Braybrooke  in  Northants. 
He  was  of  the  king's  party  in  the  barons'  wars  and  took  the 
cross  in  1270.  He  died  in  1305. 

SEAL.  Shield  of  arms  —  a  cms  paty  —  between  two  wingless  dragons. 



«,      '', 

^  . 




SEALS    OF    THE    BARONS'    LETTER  253 


shire, was  born  at  Berkeley  in  1245.  He  fought  as  a  lad  at 
Evesham  and  is  said  to  have  followed  the  king's  wars  for  the 
last  fifty  years  of  his  long  life.  He  was  at  Falkirk  and 
Caerlaverock  and  was  a  prisoner  after  Bannockburn  in  1313. 
He  died  in  1321. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms — criuilh  formy  with  a  cheverm.  SIGILLVM  •  THOME  • 


shire, was  son  of  Fulk  who  was  killed  in  the  king's  party 
at  Lewes  in  1264.  He  proved  his  age  in  1273  and  served  in 
Wales,  Scotland  and  Flanders.  He  died  about  1315. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — quarterly  indented — between  two  dragons.     S"  FVL- 
CONIS  •  FILM  •  [?]  WARINI. 


JOHN  OF  SEGRAVE,  LORD  OF  SEGRAVE  in  Leicestershire,  was 
aged  thirty-nine  years  at  his  father's  death  in  1295  and  was 
one  of  the  knights  before  Caerlaverock.  He  was  a  prisoner 
after  Bannockburn  and  died  during  the  great  sickness  in 
Gascony  in  1325. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — a  Km — between  two  of  the  three  sheaves  which 
were  the  old  arms  of  Segrave.     S1  lOH'IS  •  DE  •  SEGRAVE. 


tinghamshire, succeeded  his  father  before  1257.     He  died  in 
1327  without  surviving  male  issue. 
SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — blUety  with  a  dance — with  four  lions  passant  at  the 



PETER  CORBET,  LORD  OF  CAUS  in  Salop,  succeeded  his 
father  the  year  before  the  barons'  letter.  He  died  without 
issue  in  15  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.     A    shield    of   arms — two    corbies — between    two    wingless    dragons. 

1  The  B.M.  catalogue  of  seals  has  the  following  very  remarkable  piece  of 
blazon  for  this  shield  :  '  Billette'e  of  six  pieces,  three,  two  and  one,  on  a  chief 
a  fesse  dancettee,  and  label  of  four  points '  ! 




presumably  the  William  of  that  family,  son  and  heir  of 
Nicholas  de  Cauntelow  of  Ilkeston,  co.  Derby,  and  of  Gresley, 
co.  Notts.  He  was  summoned  to  Parliament  as  a  baron  from 
1299  and  1308  and  died  in  1309.  Nothing  appears  to  be 
known  of  the  right  by  which  he  styled  himself  Lord  of 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — a  fesse  vair  between  three  fleurs  de  lys.  S'  WILLELMI  • 


JOHN  DE  BEAUCHAMP,  LORD  OF  HACHE  in  Somerset,  suc- 
ceeded his  father  in  1284  at  the  age  of  ten  years.  He  was 
governor  of  Bridgewater  Castle  and  died  in  1336. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — vair — borne  upon  an  eagle.      SIGILL1  IOHANNIS 
DE  •  BELLO  •  CAMPO. 


was  a  younger  son  of  the  chief  of  his  name,  Sir  Roger  of 
Wigmore.  He  was  justiciary  of  Wales  in  1322,  and  in  1332 
he  and  his  nephew  the  Lord  Mortimer  of  Wigmore  were  im- 
prisoned for  their  part  against  the  Despensers.  He  died  in 
the  Tower  of  London  in  1336.  He  was  Lord  of  Chirk  in 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — MORTIMER  with  the  escutcheon  ermine — between  two 
leopards.     [S>    ROGE]R[I    D]E  •   MORTV[O    MAPI   •   D'NI   •   D]E  • 


son  and  heir  of  Reynold  fitz  Peter,  succeeded  his  father  in 
1286  and  died  in  3  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.     The  knight  on  a  galloping  horse,  sword  in  hand.     The  shield  and 
trappers  bear  the  arms — three  lions.     S'  lOH'IS  •  FIL'I  •  REGINALD!. 

This  seal  only  remains  attached  to  the  A  copy  of  the  letter. 






SEALS    OF   THE    BARONS'    LETTER  255 


RALPH  DE  NEVILL,  LORD  OF  RABY  in  Durham,  succeeded 
his  grandfather  Robert  at  Raby  in  1282  and  died  in  1331. 
Of  this  person,  almost  alone  amongst  the  barons  of  the  letter, 
no  military  service  is  recorded,  but  he  is  noteworthy  as  having 
begun  the  long  family  quarrel  with  the  prior  of  Durham  over 
the  question  of  a  rent  day  dinner. 
SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms— a  saltire.  S'  RADVLFI  •  DE  •  NEVILE. 


BRIAN  FITZ  ALAN,  LORD  OF  BEDALE  in  Yorkshire,  suc- 
ceeded his  father  before  1276  and  was  the  king's  lieutenant  in 
Scotland  in  1297.  He  died  without  male  issue  about  1305. 

SEAL.     An  indistinct  impression  of  a  device — apparently  a  Janus  head  with 
three  or  more  faces.1     TOT  •  CAPITA  •  TOT  •  8ENTENCIE. 


WILLIAM  MARSHAL,  LORD  OF  HINGHAM  in  Norfolk,  suc- 
ceeded his  father  in  1283  at  the  age  of  five  years.  He  was  in 
the  wars  in  Scotland  and  died  in  1314.  His  ancestor  John 
Marshal,  who  is  said  to  have  been  marshal  of  Ireland  under 
King  John,  married  a  daughter  and  coheir  of  Hubert  de  Rye 
of  Hingham. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — a  bend  engrailed — between  two   marshals'   staves, 
speaking  of  the  marshal's  office  of  Ireland.     S'  WILL'I  •  MARESCALLI. 


Oxfordshire,  was  of  full  age  in  55  Hen.  III.  when  he  suc- 
ceeded his  father.  He  held  many  posts  under  the  crown, 
having  been  governor  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  governor  of  Edin- 
burgh Castle,  and  warden  of  the  Northumbrian  marches.  He 
was  at  the  siege  of  Caerlaverock  and  died  without  issue  in  6 
Edw.  II. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — ermine  with  two  gmel-bars — between  two  winged 
wyverns.     S'  WALTERI  •  DE  •  HVNTERCVMBE. 

1  This  is  the  only  interpretation  which  seems  possible.  That  opinions 
may  differ  is  shown  by  the  description  by  Nicolas  of  this  device — on  a 
square  two  birds,  a  rabbit,  a  stag  and  a  pig  \ 



WILLIAM  MARTIN,  LORD  OF  KEMEYS  in  Pembroke,  suc- 
ceeded his  grandfather  Nicholas  Martin  of  Kemeys  in  1282. 
He  died  in  1325. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms— two  bars.     S'  WILL'I  •  MARTINI. 


HENRY  DE  TYES,  LORD  OF  CHILTON,  is  a  baron  of  whom 
little  is  known  save  that  he  was  summoned  as  a  baron  from 
129!  to  1307  and  died  about  i  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — a  cheveron — with  a  beardless  head  above  it,  prob- 
ably a  blackamoor's.     S'  HENRICI  •  DE  •  TEIHEIS. 


[ROGER  LA  WARR  OF  ISFIELD  in  Sussex  was  a  captain  of 
the  forces  in  Gascony  in  1295.  He  was  at  Caerlaverock, 
where  the  poet  describes  him  as  sage  et  preus.  He  died  about 
1320.  His  seal  is  not  attached  to  the  letter.] 


[JOHN  RIVERS,  LORD  OF  CASTLE  ONGAR  in  Essex,  succeeded 
his  father  in  1293  or  1294  and  died  in  or  about  1311.  His 
seal  is  not  attached  to  the  letter.] 


Westmorland,  was  son  and  heir  of  Roger  of  Lancaster,  Lord  of 
Rydal  in  Westmorland,  who  was  a  bastard  brother  of  William 
of  Lancaster,  Lord  of  Kendal.  He  succeeded  his  father  in 
1291  and  died  in  1334  without  issue. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — two  bars  with  a  quarter  and  a  leopard  on  the  quarter — 
between  three  half  fleurs  de  lys.     S'  IOHANNIS  •  DE  •  LONECASTER. 


ROBERT  FITZ  PAYNE,  LORD  OF  LAMMER,  succeeded  his 
father,  another  Robert,  in  1280,  and  was  governor  of  Windsor 
Castle  and  steward  of  the  king's  household.  He  died  in 
9  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.     The  arms — three  lions  passant  with  a  baston — in  an  oval  with  the  in- 
scription round  the  edge.     S'  ROBERTI  •  FIL'  •  PAGANI. 

The  seal  remains  only  to  the  A  copy  of  the  letter. 



HENRY  TREGOZ,  LORD  OF  GORING  in  Sussex,  was  in  the 
Scottish  wars  of  Edward  I.  and  Edward  II.  and  was  living  in 
March,  132^. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms — two  gimel  bars  with  a  leopard  in  the  chief—  between 
two  wyverns. 


[RALPH  PIPARD,  LORD  OF  LINFORD,  and  of  Rotherfield 
Pipard  in  Oxfordshire,  is  said  to  have  been  a  younger  son  of 
Ralph  fitz  Nicholas,  steward  of  the  household  to  Henry  III. 
He  was  governor  of  the  castles  of  Bolsover  and  Hareston,  and 
died  in  3  Edw.  II.  His  seals  is  not  attached  to  the  letter.] 


Skelton  Castle  in  Cleveland,  and  succeeded  his  father  in  1272. 
He  died  in  1304. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms — a  fesse  with  three  pales  in  the  chief?-  SIGILLVM  • 
WAL  •  •  DE  •  FAVCVNB'GE.  This  is  the  shield  which  the  family 
afterwards  abandoned  for  that  of  Brus  of  Skelton. 


ROGER  LE  STRANGE  OF  ELLESMERE  in  Salop  succeeded  his 
brother  Hamon  le  Strange  at  Ellesmere,  being  a  son  of  Hamon 
le  Strange  of  Ellesmere,  a  younger  son  of  John  le  Strange  of 
Knokyn.     He  died  in  1311. 
SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — two  lions  passant  with  a  border  engrailed. 


JOHN  LE  STRANGE  OF  KNOK.YN  in  Shropshire  succeeded 
his  father,  another  John,  in  4  Edw.  I.,  being  then  aged  twenty- 
two.  He  died  in  3  Edw.  II. 

SEAL.  The  knight  galloping  on  horseback  sword  in  hand,  with  the  arms — 
two  Sons  passant — on  shield  and  horse-trappers.  Horse  and  rider  have 
the  fan  crest.  S'  IOHANNIS  •  LE  •  8TRAVNGGE. 

1  The  B.M.  catalogue  of  seals  distinguishes  itself  by  blazoning  this  simple 
shield  as  in  chief  a  label  of  three  points,  inverted  (?)  ! 



called  '  Thomas  de  Chaurces '  in  the  letter,  was  son  and  heir 
of  William  de  Chaworth  by  Alice,  coheir  of  her  brother 
Robert  Alfreton  of  Norton.  He  was  of  full  age  in  31 
Hen.  III. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  the  arms  of  Alfreton — two  eheverons — between  two  winged 
dragons  or  wyverns,  with  a  couched  lion  at  the  foot.  SIGILLVM  • 

This  seal  only  remains  to  the  B  copy  of  the  letter. 


shire, was  brother  to  William,  the  first  Beauchamp  Earl  of 
Warwick.  He  bought  the  manor  of  Alcester  in  56  Hen.  III. 
of  Reynold,  son  of  Peter  fitz  Herbert.  He  was  at  Falkirk 
and  Caerlaverock  and  died  31  Edw.  I. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms — a  fesse  between  six  martlets — with  a  leopard  above  it 
and  two  more  at  the  sides.  [S1  W]ALTE[RI  •  DE  •  B]ELLO  •  CAMPO  • 
D[E ]. 

COUNTERSEAL.     A  shield  of  the  arms.     S'  WALT'I  •  DE  •  BELLO  •  CAMPO. 


son  and  heir  of  Gilbert  Talbot,  by  the  daughter  and  heir  of 
Rhys  ap  Gruffydd,  prince  of  south  Wales.  He  was  ancestor 
of  the  Earls  of  Shrewsbury,  and  died  in  1306. 

SEAL.  A  shield  of  arms — a  lion  and  a  border  engrailed — between  two  wyverns 
or  dragons.  RICARDVS  •  TALEBOT. 


of  the  fleet  of  Edward  I.  He  died  in  1324. 

SEAL.  A  cinqfoil  with  each  leaf  bearing  the  arms — a.  saltire  engrailed. 


[JOHN  ENGAYNE,  LORD  OF  COLUMB,  was  son  and  heir  of 
John  Engayne  of  Pytchley  in  Northants,  and  succeeded  his 
father  in  25  Edw.  I.  at  the  age  of  thirty.  He  died  without 
issue  in  16  Edw.  II.  His  name  appears  in  the  letter,  but 
seal  is  not  attached.] 


C'l  \ 

SEALS    OF   THE    BARONS'    LETTER  259 


HUGH  POYNTZ,  LORD  OF  CURRY  MALET  in  Somerset,  suc- 
ceeded his  father  in  I  Edw.  I.,  and  served  in  the  wars'  in 
Wales,  Gascony  and  Scotland.  He  died  in  i  Edw.  II.  His 
seal  is  more  probably  that  of  his  son  and  heir  Nicholas  than 
that  of  Nicholas  his  father. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms — tarry  of  eight  piecei  tvith  a  label  (of  five  fxndanti) — 
surmounted  by  a  helm  with  the  £m  crest.     S'  NICHOLAI  •  POINZ. 


ADAM  OF  WELLES,  LORD  OF  WELLES  in  Lincolnshire,  was 
born  about  1276,  and  was  at  the  siege  of  Caerlaverock.  He 
died  in  1311. 

SEAL.     A  shield  of  arms— a  Ron  toith  a  forked  tail.     8(IG]I[LL]VM  •  D'[NI  • 
ADE]  •  DE  •  WELLE. 

COUNTERSEAL.     A  shield  of  the  like  arms  between  two  wyverns  or  dragons. 

(To  be  concluded.) 



SIR — 

It  is  a  question  obviously  of  wide  interest  to  students  of 
family  history  whether  the  long  strings  of  names  which  repre- 
sent Welsh  { pedigrees '  are  or  are  not  trustworthy.  No 
apology,  therefore,  is  needed  for  replying  to  Mr.  H.  J.  T. 
Wood's  latest  paper  on  the  subject.1 

His  'great  chart  pedigree  of  Pryse,'2  given  as  a  specimen 
of  these  productions,  showed  us  Sir  Richard  Pryse,  living 
1588  and  1597,  descended  in  the  sixteenth  generation  from 
'  Cynfyn  Lord  of  Powys  and  Earl  of  Chester.'  For  this 
descent  we  were  given  only  the  usual  string  of  names  without 
a  single  date.  It  was  consequently  only  by  dead  reckoning 
that  one  could  form  an  idea  of  the  date  at  which  '  Cynfyn  ' 
must  have  lived.  As  every  competent  genealogist  must 
know,  it  is  an  excessive  estimate  to  allow,  during  these  cen- 
turies, an  average  of  thirty  years  to  the  generation,  especially 
where,  as  in  this  instance,  three  of  the  links  are  females. 
Nevertheless,  I  allowed  the  full  thirty  years,  with  the  result 
that  '  Cynfyn,'  as  I  expressed  it,3 '  must  have  lived  somewhere 
about  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century,'  at  which  time, 
we  know  as  a  fact,  there  was  no  such  Earl  of  Chester. 

Mr.  Wood,  however,  returns  to  the  charge,  writing  with 
great  confidence  : — 

Mr.  Round  is  unlucky  in  the  illustration  he  adduces  in  support  of  his 
views,  for,  doubtless  most  unfortunately  for  himself,  Cynfyn,  Lord  of  Powys 
and  Earl  of  Chester,  instead  of  living  somewhere  about  the  beginning  of  the 
twelfth  century,  as  Mr.  Round  says  he  must  have  done,  died  before  1070  (the 
date  at  which  the  first  real  Earl  of  Chester  known  to  G.E.C.  became  so),  un- 
less he  managed  to  survive  marriage  with  a  widow  fifty  years.* 

I  should  have  thought  that  Mr.  Wood  had  had  enough 
of  rashly  trying  to  convict  me  of  error,6  but,  as  he  has  not, 
I  am  compelled  to  point  out  that  it  is  to  himself  and  to  his 
Welsh  pedigrees  that  the  date  he  now  assigns  to  Cynfyn  is 

1  Ancestor,  vi.  62-5.  2  Ibid.  iv.  56.  3  Ibid.  v.  48. 

4  Ibid.  vi.  65.  B  Ibid.  v.  49-51. 

LETTERS   TO   THE    EDITOR          261 

'  most  unfortunate.'  For,  as  I  have  explained  above,  the 
beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  is  the  earliest  possible  date 
to  which  we  can  assign  his  existence  consistently  with  the 
pedigree  given  by  Mr.  Wood.  If,  therefore,  as  we  now 
gather,  he  lived  early  in  the  eleventh,  it  is  the  pedigree  it- 
self that  breaks  down  and  is  clearly  not  to  be  relied  on. 
This  will  be  clear  to  those  who  have  sufficient  experience  of 

Moreover,  the  history  of  Chester,  as  I  need  scarcely  add, 
does  not  begin  in  1070.  In  his  study  on  'the  great  earldoms 
under  Eadward,'  Mr.  Freeman  wrote  : — 

For  any  complete  view  of  the  general  succession  of  the  Earls  we  must  go 
back  to  the  fourfold  division  of  England  by  Cnut  in  1017.  .  .  .  Now  in 
these  four  great  governments  we  can  trace  the  succession  of  Earls  without 
difficulty  with  the  single  exception  of  East  Anglia.  .  .  .  That  the  north- 
western shires  of  Mercia  remained  constantly  under  Leofric  and  his  house 
there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt. 

It  is  shown  by  the  text  and  the  accompanying  map  that 
Cheshire  was  one  of  these  '  north-western  shires.'  There  is 
no  room,  it  will  be  seen,  for  Cynfyn  as  Earl  of  Chester  so  far 
back  as  1017,  nor,  for  the  matter  of  that,  even  earlier.  In- 
stead, therefore,  of  showing  that  Cynfyn  may  actually  have 
held  that  earldom,  Mr.  Wood  has  only  succeeded  in  showing 
that  his  specimen  Welsh  pedigree  will  not  hold  water. 

With  regard  to  the  '  important  critical  principle '  (as  Mr. 
Wood  terms  it)  'involved,'1  his  position,  I  observe,  remains 
almost  incredible.  He  persists  in  contending  that  the  descrip- 
tion of  Gerald  by  a  contemporary  historian  and  relative  has 
only  '  possibly  a  certain  weight '  as  '  confirmatory  evidence  '  of 
a  herald's  roll  of  the  seventeenth  and  a  Welsh  compilation  of 
the  eighteenth  century.  That  these  latter  '  are  the  proper 
authorities  for  the  facts  of  the  twelfth '  is,  I  must  repeat, 
'  delightfully  subversive  of  all  that  the  historian  and  the 
genealogist  have  now  agreed  to  accept.' " 



I  should  like  to  contribute  two  notes  on  this  subject. 

Sir   George    Sitwell    states 3  that  '  no  one  ever  described 

1  Ancestor,  vi.  63.  3  Ibid.  v.  49.  3  Ibid.  i.  65. 


himself,  or  was  described  by  others,  as  a  gentleman  before  the 
year  1413 — to  be  precise  before  September  29  in  that  year.' 
This  date  will  have  to  be  put  a  little  further  back. 

In  a  fragment  of  a  Poll  Tax  return  for  the  city  of  York 
in  I379,1  I  find  the  following  : — 

De  Ricardo  del  See,  gentilman,  iijy. 
De  Henrico  de  Appilby,  gentilman,  xijV. 

Here,  I  think,  is  an  instance  of  a  man  describing  himself 
as  a  gentleman,  though  this  view  is  perhaps  not  free  from 

My  second  note  is  clearly  a  description  by  others. 

Writing  from  Conway  to  the  Constable  of  Chester,  on 
the  Saturday  after  the  Feast  of  the  Epiphany,  5  Henry  IV. 
(1404),  Reynald  de  Bayldon, '  one  of  ye  Keperz  of  Conowey,'3 
thus  expresses  himself  on  the  desire  of  the  Welsh  rebels  to  end 
the  war  : — 

I  have  herde  my  selfe  mony  of  ye  gentilmen  and  of  ye  commyns  of 
Meryonnythshire  &  of  Caernervanshire  swere  y'  almen  of  ye  forsaede  shirs, 
exepte  fowre  or  five  gentilmen  &  a  fewe  vacaboundis,  woldin  faene  cum  to 

The  contrast  here,  between  gentleman  on  the  one  hand 
and  commons  and  vagabonds  on  the  other,  leaves  no  doubt  as 
to  the  meaning  intended  by  the  writer. 

In  the  same  letter,  Reynald  uses  the  word  yeoman  in  a 
military  sense,  thus  confirming  Sir  George  Sitwell's  note  (loc. 
cit.),  that  'yeoman  was  a  designation  which  at  first  expressed 
military  rank.' 


[Although  the  note  from  the  Poll  Tax  is  of  the  greatest  interest,  taking 
thirty-four  years  from  Sir  George  Sitwell's  date,  it  seems  to  us  that  it  might 
more  accurately  be  described  as  '  a  description  by  others,'  by  the  escheator  to 
wit.  We  suggest  that  a  like  value  cannot  be  attached  to  Raynald  Bayldon's 
phrase.  That  the  word  '  gentleman '  is  of  greater  antiquity  than  1379  is 
hardly  in  dispute.  What  we  seek  is  early  evidence  for  its  use  as  denoting 
a  particular  class  immediately  below  the  knight  or  squire.  Reynald  Bayldon's 
phrase,  as  it  seems  to  us,  may  well  be  used  in  the  older  sense  in  which  it 
includes  all  those  above  '  the  commyns ' — the  nobility  greater  and  less. — ED.] 

1  P.R.O.  Exchequer,  Lay  Subsidies,  STV7- 

3   He  was  joint  keeper  of  Conway  town,  together  with  Hugh  de  Moreton. 
*  Cotton  MS.  Cleopatra,  F.  III.  fo.  39  ;  printed  by  Ellis,  Original  Letters, 
jer.  z,  vol.  i.  letter  13. 

LETTERS   TO   THE   EDITOR          263 

To  Master  Barron  at  y1  signe  of  f  AUNCESTOR  -withyn  Whitehall 
Gardyns  y*  sadde  petition  of  John  Fyscher  gent. 


Whereas  y'  y*  advertised  withyn  these  realmes  wherein 
Pluto  and  Proserpina  doe  keepe  theyre  courte  that  (with  y* 
aid  of  certain  colporteurs  yclept  Archibald  Constable  and  hys 
companie  (of  which  y°  latter  y*  I  ween  right  merrie)  thou  dost 
impress  upon  thy  leaues  copies  of  such  ancient  letters  of 
auncestors  as  may  fall  within  thy  hands  :  therefore  do  I  send 
y*  thys  complaint. 

Your  poore  orator  who  with  his  bretheren  Jhon  and 
Rychard  was  born  of  free  stock  at  Turuie  in  y*  countie  of 
Bedforde  was  there  putte  to  learninge  atte  y*  chauntrie  school 
(synthe  restored  unto  goode  estate  atte  y*  behest  of  Syr  Jhon 
Mordaunte  knyghte  on  whose  soule  Jesu  haue  mercie  and 
take  from  these  partes  wher  he  yet  y*)  I  say  your  poore  orator 
toke  to  wyff  oon  Rose  a  certayne  gentilwoman  of  spirit  (well 
skilled  in  huswiffry)  and  did  live  with  hyr  in  goode  estate  ypon 
hys  faders  lands  atte  Pauenham  neer  Turuie  (y*  which  are  by 
report  stil  calde  Fyschers  albeit  parte  thereof  were  passed 
away l  to  ye  said  Syr  Jhon  Mordaunte  and  by  hym  given  3  to 
hys  schoole).  May  y1  also  pleas  you  to  learn  that  my  elder 
broder  (who  like  unto  myself  was  chrystened  Jhon  y*  better  to 
cause  ye  name  w**  was  that  of  our  fader  to  remaine  in  remem- 
braunce)  did  enter  y*  ynnes  of  courte  and  become  serieaunt 
unto  ye  kynges  highness  as  well  as  a  iustice  of  y"  Bench  :  and 
hee  dying  in  y8  yere  of  our  lord  god  m.v'TC  did  deuise s  all  hys 
great  estates  (ye  which  hee  hadde  gotten  with  much  labor  and 
y*  aide  of  hys  goode  friend  Mastyr  Edmund  Dudlie  y*  kynges 
judge  fiscal)  ynto  Syr  Michael  Fyscher  hys  sonne  knyghte  and 
hys  heirs  :  with  a  remainder  ynto  mee  y"  sd  Jhon  Fyscher  of 
Pauenham  hys  broder. 

And  I  waxing  olde  (as  y*  a  way  of  alle  fleshe)  dyed  in  y* 
yere  m.v°xviij  and  my  body  was  brought  to  yrth  in  y"  chappel 
of  Sainte  Nycholas  (y*  patrone  of  my  forebears  ynto  whome 
and  all  y8  holie  companie  of  heven  I  do  crye  for  succour) :  and 

1  Feet  of  Fines,  Beds,  39  H.  6.  Will,  and  John  Mordaunt  quer.  with 

Will.  Fisher  and  others  deforc. — lands  in  Turvey. 

»  P.C.C.  Wills,  1504.  (22,  Holgrave).  The  will  of  Sir  John  Mordaunt, 

3  Ibid.  1510  (29,  Bennet).     The  will  of  Sir  John  Fisher,  knt. 


for  my  goodes  they  were  diuided  according  unto  my  wyll l  by 
ye  said  Syr  Michael  Fyscher  ye  superuisor  thereof  between 
Rose  my  comfortable  wyff  and  our  quick  children  :  and  my 
best  beste  for  my  mortuarie  after  ye  custom  of  ye  toune  of 
Pauenham  and  as  for  my  soule  (for  whose  healthe  I  did  not 
furder  prouide)  y'  passed  ynto  y*  realme  calde  purgotorie 
whence  (with  y*  aide  of  goode  Sainte  Nycholas  and  hys  broder 
fyscher  Sainte  peter  of  warlike  memorie)  yl  hadde  long  since 
coome  ynto  paradyse  with  ye  holy  saintes  but  for  ye  mishap 
which  befell  ypon  y' :  which  I  wylle  here  sett  forthe. 

Ther  dwelt  in  y*  towne  of  Buntyngforde  oon  Jhon  Fysher 
a  chapman  of  mean  estate  :  who  as  well  as  hys  patrimonie 
(w011  hee  had  from  his  fader  Thorns.  Fyscher  who  long  synthe 
in  ye  time  of  good  kyng  harry  of  munmouth  purchased 2  hys 
dwelling  house  ther  from  Jhon  Speruer  and  others)  did  by  ye 
gaine  of  hys  trade  add 3  unto  ye  same  other  londes  :  that  y5  to 
weet  a  messuage  in  Layston  which  hee  had  from  Thorns. 
Allyne.  He  toke  to  wyff  oon  Agnes  and  dying  some  thre 
yers  after  your  deponent  did  by  wyll  *  deuise  all  his  propertie 
ynto  hyr  with  remainder  ynto  ye  fruite  of  hyr  bodie  in  tail 
male  (as  ye  saying  y5  of  learned  clerks)  :  of  whom  in  ye  fourthe 
generacion  was  oon  Eddard  Fyscher  who  was  a  limb  of  ye 
honourable  societie  of  ye  inner  temple  dwellyng  atte  Southende 
hall :  he  was  ye  sonne  of  oon  Eddard  Fyscher  and  Anne  ye 
doughter  of  Thorns.  Saunders  of  Oxfordsheer. 

Unto  whom  in  ye  yer  of  our  lord  m.vicxxxiv  did  come 
oon B  Jhon  Filpot  y'clept  Somerset  an  harald  painter  and  Will. 
Ryley  alias  blew  mantel  hys  frend  and  did  (as  your  orator 
showeth)  most  unkindly  confirm 6  ynto  ye  said  Eddard  Fyscher 
of  Southende  ye  armes  of  Syr  Jhon  Fyscher  knyght  :  to  weet 
Sylver  on  a  chevron  gules  between  thre  half  lyons  as  many 

1  Archdeaconry    of  Beds,    Wills,   1518.      The   will  of  John    Fisher   of 

2  Exchequer  Deeds  of   the  Queen's  Remembrancer  D.   570  and   586. 
Dated  4  H.  5.    Release  and  demise  to  Thomas  Fisher  and  others. 

3  Chit  Roll,  17  H.  7,   pt.  i,  No.  52.     Thomas  Allyne  and  others  with 
John  Fisher,  chapman — lands,  etc.  in  Layston. 

4  P.C.C.  Wills,  1521  (zo-i,  Maynwaring).     The  wills  of  John  Fisher  of 
Layston,  and  his  son  Thomas  Fisher  of  Buntingford. 

8  Harktan  Society's  Publications,  xiii.  568.  The  pedigree  of  Edward  Fisher 
of  Southend  Hall,  barrister-at-law. 

8  Ibid.  The  descent  is  given  from  Sir  John  Fisher's  brother,  but  the 
arms  are  differenced  with  a  bordure  bezanty. 

LETTERS   TO   THE   EDITOR          265 

golde  peices  :  *  and  did  untruely  auer  that  y"  auncestor  of 
Eddard  Fyscher  (who  in  realitie  was  y*  said  Jhon  Fysher  who 
dyed  at  Buntyngforde  a°  m.v'Tcxj)  was  y6  broder  or  Syr  Jhon 
Fyscher  knyghte  :  to  y°  greate  riurte  of  me  your  said  orator 
who  was  in  uerie  truth  ye  saide  broder  of  Syr  Jhon. 

And  whereas  (as  y*  well  knoune  ynto  all  gentilmen)  y*  is 
not  lawful  either  ypon  yrth  or  yn  heven  to  challenge  or  make 
denial  of  anie  recorde  of  y"  college  of  armes  *  (y8  which  com- 
mandment Syr  Georg  Sittewel  raise  knyghte  barronette  shal 
hereafter  rue)  :  may  y'  pleas  your  worthiness  to  learn  y*  (by 
reason  of  y8  fabulous  testimonie  of  y*  saide  Somerset  and  blew 
mantel)  y1  is  nowe  by  common  reporte  accepted  that  your  poore 
bedeman  did  not  onlie  dwell  at  Pauenham  with  Rose  his  lawful 
wyff  but  did  also  wed  in  y*  towne  of  Buntyngforde  with  y" 
saide  Agnes  :  and  did  ypon  her  bodie  (to  y*  greate  hurt  of  y6 
saide  Rose  :  with  which  injurie  she  doth  still  both  night  and 
daye  reproach  mee)  beget  all  those  foure  sonnes  y*clept  Thomas 
Jhon  Rycharde  and  Xpofer  Fysher  and  their  two  system. 

Moreover  that  holie  Sainte  :  peter  (of  warlike  memorie) 
waxing  wroth  with  your  deponent  hath  acted  ypon  thes  eui- 
dences  (which  hee  styleth  official  and  which  maye  not  be  con- 
tradicted euen  by  him  that  keepeth  y*  keys  of  purgatorie)  and 
hath  therefor  thrust  your  poore  bedeman  ynto  thes  realmes  of 
outer  darkness  :  who  being  thus  yndone  desireth  you  good 
Master  Barren  and  all  Xtian  men  of  your  charitie  to  intercede 
for  hym  :  on  whose  soule  Garter  kynge  atte  armes  and  all  y" 
holie  companie  of  y*  strete  of  Queen  Victoria  (that  ladye  of 
pious  memorie)  haue  mercie. 

Yor  poore  peticioner 

JHON  FYSHER  of  Pauenham  gent 
alias  dictus  (per  lie.  Somerset  et  blewmantle) 

JHON  FYSHER  of  Buntyngforde  adult'er 

[NoTE. — The  Editor  having  reason  to  regard  this  communication  with 
some  mistrust,  a  correspondent  has  been  to  great  pains  to  verify  these  assertions 
of  the  much  wronged  John,  and  several  references  are  appended  that  appear  to 
substantiate  his  grievance.] 

1  Metcalfe's  Book  of  Knights. 

1  Bedfirdshite  Notes  and  Queries,  vol.  i.  Francis  Thynne,  Lancaster,  here 
gives  the  arms  on  the  Clifton  monument  as  :  Argent,  on  a  chevron,  between 
three  demi-lions  rampant  gules,  as  many  plates.  They  are  now  obliterated. 



SIR, — 

In  the  Ancestor,  ii.  243,  reference  is  made  to  the  baronies 
of  Fauconberg,  Darcy  (de  Knayth)  and  Meinill.  The  claims 
in  these  cases  have  been  decided  in  favour  of  the  Countess  of 
Yarborough  and  Powis. 

It  appears  that  these  peerages  were  created  by  writ  of 
summons,  and  by  virtue  of  which  females  succeed  on  failure 
of  males. 

I  wish  to  ask  if  such  baronies  fall  exclusively  in  the  line  of 
descendants  of  the  male  heir  in  whom  they  were  created,  and 
if  there  is  any  rule  or  custom  excluding  a  male  heir  in  a 
collateral  line — say  the  line  of  the  brother  of  the  original 
baron.  In  other  words  whether  a  male  descendant  of  a  junior 
branch  comes  after  a  female  descendant  of  the  senior  branch. 
It  is  stated  by  some  that  modern  peerages  are  as  a  rule  in 
tail  male,  whereas  ancient  ones  were  not  usually  so.  Is  this 
correct,  and  is  it  applicable  to  peerages  by  patent  or  by  writ  ? 

What  would  be  the  formula  for  creating  such  peerages,  or 
at  least  the  differentiating  phrases  ?  As  there  is  probably 
considerable  ignorance  on  these  points  it  will  be  useful  to  have 
the  opinion  of  experts  thereon. 

Yours  faithfully, 



[Baronies  created  by  writ  of  summons  descend  to  the  '  heir  general '  of 
the  party  summoned  by  the  writ,  and  in  no  case  to  his  collateral  descendants. 
Our  recent  article  on  the  Brays  of  Shere  illustrates  this.  Baronies  created  by 
letters-patent  descend  according  the  '  limitation  '  expressed  in  them,  which  is 
usually  to  the  heirs-male  of  the  body  of  the  grantee. — ED.] 

SIR, — 

May  I,  as  a  subscriber  to  the  Ancestor,  ask  your  and  your 
readers'  help  in  the  following  matter  ? 

The  John  Johnston  about  whose  career  I  would  inquire 
was  born  on  3  September,  1665,  and  was  a  younger  son  of 
James  Johnston,  first  Earl  of  Annandale.  He  entered  the 
army,  but  subsequently  devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of  the 
exiled  James  II.,  serving  after  that  monarch's  death  the 
interests  of  his  son  the  Chevalier  de  St.  George.  The  late  Sir 
William  Fraser  in  his  Family  Book  of  the  Johnstons  briefly 

LETTERS  TO   THE   EDITOR          267 

dismisses  John  Johnston  with  the  remark  that  he  died  without 
lawful  issue.  Sir  William  failed  to  give  any  sketch  of  his 
career,  nor  was  he  able  apparently  to  give  the  date  or  place  of 
his  death.  Some  information  regarding  John  Johnston  is 
obtainable  in  the  correspondence  of  the  Jacobite  agent, 
Colonel  Hooke,  and  in  a  recently  published  volume  of  the 
Historical  MSS.  Commission  entitled  Stuart  Papers  (vol.  i.). 
It  appears  from  these  authorities  that  he  died  of  a  fever  in 
1715,  but  the  place  of  his  death  is  not  given.  If  the  editor 
of  the  Ancestor  or  any  of  the  readers  of  that  magazine  can 
give  me  any  facts  regarding  his  life  and  fate  I  shall  be  much 
indebted  to  them  for  the  information. 

Yours  faithfully, 



I  have  read  your  long  criticism  of  my  little  pamphlet  on 
Heralds  College  and  Coats  of  Arms  with  some  interest  and  I  may 
add  with  much  amusement.  It  is  a  matter  of  supreme  in- 
difference to  me  whether  or  no  you  consider  my  opinions  to 
be  folly  and  myself  to  be  ignorant  of  the  subject,  or  whether 
you  trail  red  herrings  across  the  scent,  as  virtually  you  do, 
when  you  discuss  (Ancestor,  v.  224)  my  use  of  the  phrase  obiter 

But  when  you  say  that  knowing  the  impossibility  of  sus- 
taining the  main  contention  of  my  tract  I  have  preferred  to 
talk  round  my  subject,  it  is  time  to  protest  against  such  latter- 
day  criticism.  Such  a  statement  is  in  plain  words  a  charge  of 
mala  fides,  and  ought  not  to  be  made  unless  you  have  sure 
ground  for  the  belief  that  a  writer  is  deliberately  misleading 
his  readers.  The  views  I  hold  as  to  what  are  '  lawful '  arms 
may  be  wrong.  The  arguments  I  use  may  be  weak  and  I 
may  be  ignorant  of  heraldry.  These  opinions  are  also  held 
by  the  King's  Officers  of  Arms.  They  are  supported  by 
decisions  of  His  Majesty's  judges.  What  I  strongly  object 
to  in  your  criticism  is  the  assertion  that  I  make  use  of  these 
arguments  knowing  the  impossibility  of  proving  my  case.  It 
is  not  fair  criticism. 

I  am,  yours  faithfully, 



[Mr.  Philliraore  returns  with  unhappy  persistence  to  the  obiter  dictum  of 
Sir  William  Dugdale.  As  often  as  he  does  so,  so  often  must  we  remind  our 
readers  of  the  origin  of  this  difficulty.  We  published  in  a  former  volume  of 
the  Ancestor  a  letter  of  Sir  William  Dugdale's  in  which  that  famous  herald 
informed  his  correspondent  of  the  procedure  of  the  heralds  in  certain  cases, 
adding  that  this  procedure  was  based  upon  the  instructions  given  them.  Mr. 
Phillimore,  who  wished  to  waive  aside  the  evidence  of  Sir  William  Dug- 
dale  upon  this  point,  spoke  of  the  letter  as  an  obiter  dictum,  and  we  felt  bound 
to  say  that  in  applying  these  words  to  a  letter  written  by  an  official  and  re- 
lating, in  answer  to  a  question  upon  a  specific  point,  the  nature  of  his  official 
instructions,  Mr.  Phillimore  did  not  attach  the  same  value  as  ourselves  to  the 
phrase  obiter  dictum.  We  should  be  disposed  to  deny  that  our  protest  was  the 
'  virtual  trailing  of  a  red  herring,'  but  the  phrase  of  the  trailing  of  a  red  herring 
may  have  another  value  with  Mr.  Phillimore. 

It  will  be  seen  from  Mr.  Phillimore's  letter  that  the  arguments  which 
challenge  the  contentions  of  his  pamphlet  are,  as  he  would  say,  '  a  matter  of 
supreme  indifference '  to  him.  The  readers  to  whom  he  commends  that 
pamphlet  will,  however,  draw  their  own  conclusions  from  the  manner  in 
which  he  has  chosen  to  meet  those  arguments. 

We  appeal  to  our  article  as  a  whole  when  we  say  that  Mr.  Phillimore  was 
treated  therein  with  every  courtesy  due  to  an  honourable  opponent.  Our 
ironical  suggestion  that  he  himself  must  recognize  the  impossibility  of  sus- 
taining his  main  argument  will  not  persuade  anyone  that  we  were  charging 
Mr.  Phillimore  with  mala  fides  or  dishonourable  conduct.  Controversy  would 
be  impossible  if  its  commonplaces  were  thus  to  be  magnified  and  misinter- 
preted, and  we  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  to  our  mind  the  scent  of  the  red 
herring  is  wafted  with  the  indignation  which  keeps  Mr.  Phillimore  from 
meeting  criticism.  We  are  full  of  regret  that  a  misunderstood  phrase  should 
have  annoyed  Mr.  Phillimore,  but  we  have  nothing  to  withdraw.  If  we 
were  disposed  to  quarrel  over  phrases  we  might  ourselves  object  to  Mr.  Philli- 
more's new  advertisement  of  his  pamphlet,  whose  spiked  artillery  is  still,  as  it 
seems,  pointed  against  the  supporters  of  '  bogus  heraldry.'  What  '  bogus 
heraldry '  may  be  in  Mr.  Phillimore's  mind  we  are  unable  to  say,  but  we 
would  indicate  a  possible  example  in  our  article  on  the  '  English  Counts  of 
the  Empire '  in  this  current  Ancestor.  If  Mr.  Phillimore  having  examined 
the  shield  used  by  the  family  of '  St."  Paul  pronounces  it  aught  but  '  bogus,' 
we  declare  ourselves  ready  to  accuse  him  of  mala  fides  or  of  any  kindred  sinful- 
ness  he  may  put  into  our  mouths. 

In  our  article  we  protested  against  the  habit  of  dragging  in  the  names  of 
existing  officers  of  arms  as  assenting  parties  to  obsolescent  abuses.  Mr.  Philli- 
more repeats  the  offence.  He  has,  so  far  as  we  are  aware,  no  commission  to 
speak  on  behalf  of  the  officers  of  arms  as  a  body,  and  we  dislike  this  attempt 
to  represent  them  as  holding  opinions  whose  weakness  Mr.  Phillimore  half 
admits. — ED.] 


AN  evening  journal,  in  the  course  of  a  notice  of  the 
Ancestor,  has  words  which  draw  from  us  yet  another 
declaration  of  our  editorial  policy.  Our  controversies  con- 
cerning the  subjects  dealt  with  by  the  Ancestor  and  our  criticism 
of  our  fellows  is,  as  we  are  warned,  '  a  petty  strife,'  and  we  are 
further  admonished  that  '  it  is  a  mean  man's  business  to  prove 
others  wrong,'  and  above  all  to  prove  them  so  with  'clumsy 


*          *          * 

At  the  outset  we  made  as  we  thought  our  position  amongst 
reviews  tolerably  clear.  We  come  to  insist  upon  the  worthi- 
ness and  dignity  of  the  side  of  archaeology  with  which  we 
deal,  as  a  work  without  which  history  itself  cannot  live.  We 
find  a  noble  study  which  asks  for  the  best  energy  of  scholars 
still  esteemed  a  pastime  for  the  elderly  and  incompetent. 
The  believer  in  the  flatness  of  the  earth  does  not  find  his 
work  seriously  discussed  amongst  geographers  ;  the  enthusiast 
who  traces  the  English  race  down  many-coloured  charts  from 
the  lost  tribes  of  Israel  is  not  received  as  a  brother  by  the 
ethnological  societies.  But  popular  archaeology  has  been 
allowed  to  flourish  freely  on  southern  slopes  where  never 
wind  blows  loudly.  Any  picture-book  maker,  any  compiler  ot 
stodged  misapprehensions  from  other  men's  work,  has  his 
welcome  awaiting  him  at  the  hands  of  the  critic.  Did  these 
mild  conditions  exist  in  other  branches  of  literature,  we  might 
see  Mr.  Wells's  '  Anticipations '  and  the  dismal  auguries  ot 
the  Prophet  Baxter  reviewed  in  double  harness.  At  the 
Ancestor  3  beginning  we  noticed  a  popular  folio  upon  the 
ancient  rolls  of  arms,  put  together  for  an  indulgent  public  by 
an  author  whose  ignorance  of  French  was  no  bar  to  his 
editing  documents  in  that  tongue.  A  dozen  reviews  urged 
*  every  student '  to  the  purchase  of  his  books.  One  of  the 
most  trumpery  and  misleading  works  upon  English  surnames 
has  lately  reappeared  in  a  second  edition,  and  a  reviewer 
writing  in  one  of  the  principal  journals  of  archaeology  is  not 
ashamed  to  say  that  it  '  may  be  confidently  recommended  as 


invaluable    to    genealogists    and    of  the    greatest    interest  to 

students  in  general.' 

*  *          * 

Small  wonder  that  poor  Mr.  Hitchin-Kemp  writes  to  us 
bitterly  resenting  our  late  review  of  his  history  of  the  Kemp 
families.  That  he  understood  neither  the  language  nor  the 
handwriting  of  the  ancient  documents  of  which  he  treated  has 
not  disqualified  him  in  the  opinion  of  other  critics  for  his  task. 

*  *          * 

It  is  part  of  the  business  of  the  Ancestor  to  let  the  wind 
into  this  sealed  garden,  and  so  long  as  the  constructive  side 
of  our  work  keeps  pace  with  the  destructive  we  shall  not  hold 
it  to  be  mean  or  unworthy.  As  useful  a  day's  work  may  be 
done  in  pulling  docks  as  in  sowing  beans.  For  the  rest,  by 
the  leave  of  our  critics,  we  shall  sentence  folly  without  putting 
on  our  black  cap. 

*  *          * 

The  growing  interest  in  archaeology  is  making  itself  felt 
amongst  politicians.  The  Unionist  candidate  for  the  St. 
Andrews  Burghs  is  being  commended  to  his  constituents  by 
the  many  historical  curiosities  which  he  has  gathered  together 
in  his  *  picturesque  home  '  in  Fifeshire.  Chief  amongst  these 
precious  trifles  we  should  place  '  the  red  hat  worn  by  the 
Cardinal  Duke  of  York,  brother  of  Charles  II.'  The  journals 
call  it  '  a  treasured  curio,'  but  that  is  to  say  little.  Lord 
Macaulay  might  have  been  less  restrained  could  he  have  been 
vouchsafed  a  sight  of  a  relic  which  more  than  aught  else 
would  have  explained  the  ecclesiastical  bias  of  the  Duke  of 
York,  brother  of  Charles  II.  (and  afterwards  king  of  these 


*  »          • 

We  print  in  this  number  the  Rev.  F.  W.  Ragg's  trans- 
lation of  and  annotations  on  a  charter  of  Gospatrik  which 
he  discovered  among  the  muniments  at  Lowther  last  autumn. 
We  understand  that  Mr.  Ragg  has  now  devoted  two  of  his 
annual  holidays  to  working  on  the  early  documents  in  the 
Lowther  collection  for  the  advantage  of  the  histories  of 
Cumberland  and  Westmorland  in  the  Victoria  series  of  county 
histories.  Mr.  Ragg's  discriminating  eye  has  rescued  a  treasure 
from  oblivion,  and  the  world  of  scholars  is  greatly  indebted  to 
him  and  to  the  custodians  of  the  muniments  at  Lowther  who 



at  Mr.  Ragg's  earnest  solicitation  had  the  document  photo- 
graphed. This  charter  also  forms  the  subject  of  an  article 
by  the  Rev.  James  Wilson  in  the  first  number  of  our  new 
contemporary  the  Scottish  Historical  Review.  Mr.  Wilson,  as 
local  editor  of  the  Victoria  History  of  Cumberland^  has  of  course 
a  special  interest  in  Mr.  Ragg's  happy  find. 

*  *          • 

The  interesting  claim  to  the  baronies  of  Fauconberg, 
Darcy  (de  Knayth)  and  Meinill  has  been  decided  since  our 
last  number  appeared.  Fauconberg  was  claimed  as  a  barony 
created  in  1283,  and  three  points  were  keenly  contested.  In 
the  first  place  there  was  no  actual  proof  that  any  of  the 
original  lords  Fauconberg  had  ever  '  sat,'  and  it  was  endea- 
voured, on  behalf  of  the  claimants,  to  go  outside  the  recog- 
nized mode  of  proof  and  use  for  the  purpose  '  the  Barons' 
letter  to  the  Pope,'  which  is  now  being  illustrated  in  our 
pages.  Failing  this,  it  was  claimed  that  the  admitted  proof 
of  sitting  of  the  Nevill  who  was  summoned  as  Lord  Fau- 
conberg under  Henry  was  proof  that  his  wife's  ancestors 
had  sat,  she  being  the  heiress  of  the  original  lords  Faucon- 
berg. Thirdly,  it  was  claimed  that  if  a  barony  was  found 
to  have  been  held  by  those  lords  Fauconberg,  it  ought  to 
be  allowed  the  high  precedence  of  1283  (i  i  Edw.  I.),  although 
it  is  generally  considered  that  the  writ  of  1295  is  the  first 

valid  one. 

*  *          * 

All  three  of  these  points,  it  will  be  seen,  might  have  a  bear- 
ing on  other  claims,  and  although  the  writ  of  1 1  Edward  seems 
to  have  been  accepted  in  the  Mowbray  case,  this  was  done 
inadvertently  without  any  debate  on  the  question.  Its  admis- 
sion in  the  Fauconberg  claim  would  have  had  the  practical 
effect  of  further  complicating  an  already  very  difficult  question 
of  precedence,  and  would,  moreover,  have  been  historically 
wrong.  The  Committee  for  Privileges'  decision  that  the 
barony  could  only  be  claimed  under  the  writ  of  Henry  VI. 
must  be  taken  to  indicate  that  the  evidence  of  sitting  by  the 
previous  lords  was  insufficient,  and  that  proof  of  sitting  must 
still  be  adduced  in  that  formal  manner  which  acts  as  a  bar  to 
several  possible  claims. 

*  «          * 

A  very  surprising  argument  was  advanced  on  behalf  of  the 


claimants  as  to  the  Meinill  barony,  namely,  that  it  was  not  for 
them  to  prove  that  their  ancestor  had  sat  under  the  writ  ad- 
dressed to  him,  but  for  the  Crown  to  show  that  he  could  not 
have  done  so  !  The  claim  to  this  barony  was  in  every  way  a 
weak  one,  and  was,  as  might  have  been  expected,  unsuccessful. 
The  Darcy  claim  was  allowed  in  spite  of  an  admitted  difficulty 
in  the  action  of  the  Crown,  under  Charles  I.,  with  regard 
to  this  title.  The  finding  of  the  Committee,  however,  did 
no  more  than  establish  the  fact  that  Lady  Yarborough  and 
Lady  Powis  were  co-heirs  to  the  baronies  claimed,  which 
only  the  pleasure  of  the  Sovereign  could  call  out  of  abey- 

*  *         * 

As  we  go  to  press,  the  third  volume  of  G.  E.  C.'s  Com- 
plete Baronetage  makes  its  appearance.  The  period  covered 
by  this  volume,  1649—64,  is  one  of  peculiar  interest  and  diffi- 
culty for  the  creations  of  baronetcies,  and  the  editor  has  de- 
voted special  attention  to  those  created  by  Cromwell,  as  to 
the  number  of  which  there  has  been  some  confusion.  Dug- 
dale's  Catalogue  of  the  Baronets  of  this  Kingdom  of  England 
(1681)  has  been  made  much  use  of,  and  its  compilation  is  one 
of  those  useful  works  for  which  we  have  to  thank  the  great 
Garter  King.  While  the  burning  but  perennial  question  of 
the  wrongful  assumption  of  baronetcies  still  awaits  solution, 
G.  E.  C.  boldly  grasps  the  nettle  and  surrounds  with  his 
favourite  mourning  border  those  who,  in  his  opinion,  have 
merely  usurped  the  tide.  It  is  a  pleasure  to  congratulate 
the  indefatigable  editor  on  the  accomplishment  of  another 
substantial  instalment  of  his  heavy  task,  the  more  so  as  he 
is  always  eager  to  acknowledge  the  assistance,  however  slight, 
of  others.  We  note  in  the  present  volume  a  reference  to 

our  own  pages. 

*  *         * 

The  attention  of  those  antiquaries  who  are  genealogists 
may  be  called  to  the  excellent  work  which  is  being  done  by 
Messrs.  John  Matthews  and  George  F.  Matthews  in  their 
publication  of  Tear  Books  of  Probates.  The  backbone  of 
English  pedigree  making  is  the  series  of  wills  registered  in 
the  prerogative  court  of  Canterbury,  for  without  search  in 
the  records  of  this  court  no  family  history  can  hope  to  com- 
plete itself.  But  in  working  upon  these  records  the  student 
is  vexed  and  hampered  by  want  of  proper  indices.  The 


official  calendars  in  use  are  ancient,  foul  and  unwieldy,  and 
the  authorities  are  in  no  haste  to  replace  them.  For  the 
period  before  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  Mr.  Challenor  Smith,  a 
former  chief  of  the  department  for  literary  inquiry,  compiled 
the  elaborately  accurate  calendar  well  known  to  grateful 
literary  inquirers.  But  such  industry  being,  as  it  were,  dis- 
pleasing to  the  higher  authorities,  this  calendar  had  no  official 
recognition  and  was  printed  and  issued  by  private  enterprise. 
Since  then  the  British  Record  Society  has  slowly  carried  for- 
ward Mr.  Smith's  work  to  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth 

•          *          * 

Beginning  with  the  year  1630,  the  Messrs.  Matthews 
have  placed  themselves  well  ahead  of  the  work  of  the  British 
Record  Society,  and  are  issuing  not  only  a  calendar  of  wills 
but  also  notes  which  contain  a  full  abstract  of  the  material, 
often  valuable,  supplied  by  the  probate  acts.  Already  they 
have  published  five  year  books  with  the  entries  arranged 
lexicographically  and  with  an  excellent  index  of  the  names 
other  than  those  of  testators  which  occur  in  the  acts.  That 
they  may  hurry  forward  with  their  work  is  much  to  be  de- 
sired, but  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  Messrs.  Matthews 
are  helping  the  English  genealogist  at  their  own  proper  cost. 
Those  who  desire  to  aid  in  the  work  may  be  reminded  that 
the  subscription  asked  for  is  only  a  yearly  guinea,  which 
should  be  forwarded  to  Mr.  John  Matthews  at  93  Chancery 
Lane,  W.C.  The  only  criticism  of  this  first  volume  which 
we  can  offer  is  the  suggestion  that  its  handiness  would  have 
been  increased  had  the  five  years  contained  in  it  been  pooled 
in  one  calendar  instead  of  five. 

Butler  &  Tanner,  The  Selwood  Printing  Works,  Frome,  and  London. 


Edited  by  JAMES  GAIRDNER 

Of  the  Public  Record  Office 
4  vo/s.,  2 is,  net 


Price  i  CM.  6d.  net 

These  Letters  are  the  genuine  correspondence  of  a  family  in 
Norfolk  during  the  Wars  of  the  Roses.  As  such  they  are  altogether 
unique  in  character  ;  yet  the  language  is  not  so  antiquated  as  to  present 
any  serious  difficulty  to  the  modern  reader.  The  topics  of  the  letters 
relate  partly  to  the  private  affairs  of  the  family,  and  partly  to  the 
stirring  events  of  the  time  ;  and  the  correspondence  includes  State 
papers,  love-letters,  bailifiV  accounts,  sentimental  poems,  jocular  epistles, 

Besides  the  public  news  of  the  day,  such  as  the  loss  of  Normandy 
by  the  English  ;  the  indictment  and  subsequent  murder  at  sea  of  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk  ;  and  all  the  fluctuations  of  the  great  struggle  of  York 
and  Lancaster  ;  we  have  the  story  of  John  Paston's  first  introduction 
to  his  wife  ;  incidental  notices  of  severe  domestic  discipline,  in  which 
his  sister  frequently  had  her  head  broken  ;  letters  from  Dame  Elizabeth 
Brews,  a  match-making  mamma,  who  reminds  the  youngest  John 
Paston  that  Friday  is  '  St.  Valentine's  Day,'  and  invites  him  to  come 
and  visit  her  family  from  the  Thursday  evening  till  the  Monday,  etc., 

Every  letter  has  been  exhaustively  annotated  ;  and  a  Chronological 
Table,  with  most  copious  Indices,  conclude  the  Work. 

HENRT  HALLAM,  Introduction  n  the  Uttrtturt  of  Europe,  i.  128.  £J.  1837  :  «  Tbt 
Paston  Letttrs  are  an  important  teitimony  to  the  progressive  condition  of  Society,  and  come  in 
at  a  precious  link  in  the  chain  of  moral  history  of  England  which  they  alone  in  thii  period 
supply.  They  itand,  indeed,  singly,  as  far  as  I  know,  in  Europe  ;  for  though  it  is  highly 
probable  that  in  the  archives  of  Italian  families,  if  not  in  France  or  Germany,  a  series  of 
merely  private  letters  equally  ancient  may  be  concealed  ;  I  do  not  recollect  that  any  have 
been  published.  They  are  all  written  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  VI.  and  Edward  IV.,  except  a 
few  that  extend  as  far  as  Henry  VII.,  by  different  members  of  a  wealthy  and  respectable,  but 
not  noble,  family  ;  and  are,  therefore,  pictures  of  the  life  of  the  English  gentry  of  that  age.' 

THE  MORNINGJ>OST  :  '  A  reprint  of  Mr.  James  Gardner's  edition  of  Tbi  Puna 
Letters  with  some  fresh  matter,  including  a  new  introduction.  Originally  published  in 
1872-75,  it  was  reprinted  in  189;,  and  is  now  again  reproduced.  The  introductions  have 
been  reset  in  larger  type,  and  joined  together  in  one,  conveniently  broken  here  and  there  by 
fresh  headings.  The  preface  is  practically  a  new  one.  ...  It  is  highly  satisfactory  for 
readers  who  care  about  history,  social  or  political,  to  have  this  well-printed  and  admirably 
introduced  and  annotated  edition  of  these  famous  letters.' 

MANCHESTER  GUARDIAN :  '  One  of  the  monuments  of  English  historical  scholar- 
ship that  needs  no  commendation.' 


The  Stall  Plates  of  the  Knights  of 
the  Order  of  the  Garter  1348-1485 

Consisting  of  a  Series  of  9 1  Full-sized  Coloured  Facsimiles 
with  Descriptive  Notes  and  Historical  Introductions  by 

W.  H.  ST.  JOHN  HOPE,  M.A.,  F.S.A. 

Dedicated  by  gracious  privilege  during  her  lifetime  to  HER 

The  edition  is  strictly  limited  and  only  500  copies  of  the  work 
have  been  printed. 

The  object  of  the  work  is  to  illustrate  the  whole  of  the 
earlier  Stall  Plates,  being  the  remaining  memorials  of  the  four- 
teenth and  fifteenth  century  of  Knights  elected  under  the 
Plantagenet  Sovereigns  from  Edward  the  Third,  Founder  of 
the  Order,  to  Richard  the  Third,  inclusive,  together  with  three 
palimpsest  plates  and  one  of  later  date. 

The  Stall  Plates  are  represented  full-size  and  in  colours  on 
Japan  vellum,  in  exact  facsimile  of  the  originals,  in  the  highest 
style  of  chromolithography,  from  photographs  of  the  plates 

Each  plate  is  accompanied  by  descriptive  and  explanatory 
notes,  and  the  original  and  general  characteristics  of  the  Stall 
Plates  are  fully  dealt  with  in  an  historical  introduction. 

There  are  also  included  numerous  seals  of  the  Knights,  repro- 
duced by  photography  from  casts  specially  taken  for  this  work. 

The  work  may  be  obtained  bound  in  half  leather,  gilt, 
price  £6  net ;  or  the  plates  and  sheets  loose  in  a  portfolio, 
£5  los.  net  ;  or  without  binding  or  portfolio,  £5  net. 

4THENJEUM  :  '  It  is  pleasant  to  welcome  the  first  part  of  a  long 
promised  and  most  important  heraldic  work,  and  to  find  nothing  to  say  of  it 
which  is  not  commendatory.  The  present  part  contains  ten  coloured  facsimiles 
out  of  the  ninety  plates  which  the  work  will  include  when  completed.  They 
reflect  the  greatest  credit  on  all  concerned  in  their  production.' 

MORNING  POST  :  '  There  is  a  fine  field  for  antiquarian  research  in  the 
splendid  collection  of  heraldic  plates  attached  to  the  stalls  in  the  choir  of  St. 
George's  Chapel,  Windsor  Castle,  and  it  will  be  a  matter  of  satisfaction  to  all 
who  are  interested  in  old  memorials  that  Mr.  W.  H.  St.  John  Hope  has  given 
close  examination  to  these  ancient  insignia  and  now  presents  the  results  of  his 
investigations,  with  many  reproductions.' 




Edited  by 

LEOPOLD    G.    WICKHAM    LEGG,    B.A. 

Imperial  8vo 
Edition  limited  to   500  copies   of  which  only  a  few  remain 

Price  31*.  6d.  net 

This  work  is  an  attempt  to  illustrate  the  history  of  the 
coronation  of  the  Sovereigns  of  England  from  the  earliest 
times  to  the  present.  Twenty-nine  documents  have  been 
collected ;  and,  so  far  as  possible,  the  transcripts  have  been 
made  from  contemporary  manuscripts. 

A  translation  has  been  added  to  the  Latin  and  Anglo- 
French  documents. 

Mr.  W.  H.  St.  John  Hope  has  written  a  note  on  the 
*  Cap  of  Maintenance,'  in  which  he  has  described  the  history 
and  manner  of  the  investiture  of  peers. 

The  whole  work  constitutes  a  full  collection  of  coronation 

The  illustrations  include  a  reproduction  in  colours  of  the 
picture  of  an  English  coronation  at  Corpus  Christi  College, 
Cambridge,  and  a  photogravure  of  the  coronation  of  St. 
Edmund  in  a  manuscript  belonging  to  Captain  Holford ;  and 
also  reproductions  in  collotype  from  the  manuscript  life  of 
St.  Edward  in  the  University  Library  at  Cambridge.  The 
Crown  of  Queen  Edith,  which  is  represented  from  a  portrait 
of  Queen  Henrietta  Maria  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery, 
has  not,  it  is  thought,  been  noticed  before.  A  feature  of  the 
illustrations  will  be  the  coronation  chair  which  has  been  taken 
from  the  block  cut  for  the  late  Sir  Gilbert  Scott's  Gleanings 
from  Westminster  Abbey ;  and  there  are  also  three  plates  show- 
ing the  coronation  robes  of  Queen  Victoria. 

A^HENMVM.  :  « Among  the  minor  compensations  for  the  prolonged  delajr  incident  to 
a  modern  act  of  crowning  is  the  time  that  it  affords  for  the  production  of  such  an  important 
historical  treatise  as  that  which  has  just  been  produced  by  Mr.  Wickham  Legg.  In  this  hand- 
some volume  we  find  brought  together  every  historical  document  of  importance  that  bean  on 
the  question  of  English  coronations  from  that  of  Aidan  in  the  sixth  century  to  that  of  Victoria 
thirteen  centuries  later.' 






With  numerous  Illustrations,  and  an  Introduc- 
tion by  THE  EDITOR 

Dedicated   by    Permission   to 

2  vols.  large  8vo,  price  £i    is.  net 


Also  a  Large  Paper  Edition  limited  to  150  copies 

3s-   net 

The  following  is  a  list  of  some  of  the  Illustrations  included  in 
'  The  House  of  Percy  '  : 

Alnwick  Castle,  Bamborough  Castle,  from  drawing  by 
Herbert  Railton.  Portrait  of  Henry  Percy,  ist  Earl  of 
Northumberland  —  the  '  Earl  Percie  '  of  Chevy  Chase  (repro- 
duced in  colours  from  a  contemporary  MS.).  Portrait  of 
Henry,  yth  Earl  of  Northumberland.  The  Village  of  Perci  in 
Normandy  :  the  cradle  of  the  race.  Syon  House,  Northum- 
berland House,  from  drawings  by  Herbert  Railton.  The  full 
armorial  bearings  of  the  present  Duke  of  Northumberland  in 
colours.  Various  shields,  signatures,  tnd  facsimile  letters. 

NEWCASTLE  LEADER  :  '  The  history  is  admirably  illustrated 
with  clever  drawings  by  Herbert  Railton,  elaborate  reproductions  of 
the  arms,  crests,  escutcheons,  and  pedigrees  of  the  Percy  family  and 
its  branches.  Of  course  Alnwick  Castle  comes  in  for  special  treat- 
ment, and  Mr.  Railton  is  at  his  best  in  his  sketches  of  that  famous 





By  the  Right  Hon. 


2  vols.  large  8vo,  price  £i    u.  net 


Also  a  Large  Paper  Edition  limited  to  150  copies 
^3   3s-  net 

The  following  is  a  list  of  some  of  the  Illustrations  in  « The 
House  of  Douglas  '  : 

FULL-PAGE  ILLUSTRATIONS — Tomb  of  Sir  James  Douglas 
in  St.  Bride's.  Arms  of  Douglas  and  Moray  from  Bothwell 
Castle.  Tomb  of  Margaret,  Countess  of  Douglas,  in 
Lincluden.  Arms  of  the  Douglas  Family  in  Lincluden 
College.  Tomb  of  James  '  the  Gross,'  yth  Earl  of  Douglas, 
in  St.  Bride's  (two  plates).  Tantallon  Castle.  Morton  Castle. 
Thrieve  Castle.  Tomb  of  the  i  st  Earl  and  Countess  of  Morton 
in  Dalkeith  Church.  Portrait  of  the  6th  Earl  of  Angus,  from 
the  Tudor  Portraits  in  Westminster  Palace,  painted  from  a 
picture  in  Windsor  Castle.  Portrait  of  the  I3th  Earl  of 
Home,  photo  from  portrait.  Portrait  of  Lady  Margaret 
Douglas.  Hermitage  Castle.  James,  Earl  of  Morton  (litho- 
graphed from  an  original  drawing). 
Also  various  Coats  of  Arms  in  colours,  and  numerous  Seals  and  Signatures. 

THE  TIMES  :  '  No  more  suitable  beginning  for  the  series  could 
have  been  found.  ...  A  valuable  and  important  contribution  to 
Scottish  History.  Brightly  written  .  .  .  judgments  wise  and  sane 
.  .  .  narrative  smooth  and  vigorous  .  .  .  powers  of  description  un- 
questionable. A  real  addition  to  an  important  and  interesting  subject.' 

ATHENdEUM  :  'The  author  has  executed  his  task  clearly  and 
well.  .  .  .  Numerous  and  well-executed  shields  of  arms,  etc.  A 
valuable  work  of  reference,  well  printed.  The  author  has  the  gift  of 
an  easy  narrative  style.' 


The  first  English  ^Translation  of  Chateaubriand' 's  famous 
Autobiography — '  Mtmoires  d '  Outre  tombe  ' 




Sometime    Ambassador 
to    England 


With  44  Illustrations  from  Contemporary  Sources 
In  6  vols.     Purple  cloth,  gilt  top,  price  £4  los.  net 

DR.  WILLIAM  BARRY  in  the  BooAman  :  '  Mr.  de  Mattos  has  seen  a  rare 
chance,  and  has  taken  it  boldly.  .  .  .  These  "  Memoirs  from  Beyond 
the  Tomb  "  are  certainly  unploughed  land,  inviolate  as  some  Greek  Temple 
enclosure— or,  to  put  the  matter  more  temptingly,  if  half  a  dozen  books  over- 
flowing with  incidents,  reflections,  descriptions  of  persons  and  landscapes  ; 
picturesque,  irritating,  curious,  and  brilliant,  equal  to  these,  were  flung  upon 
the  circulating  libraries,  someone  would  make  his  fortune.  Let  us  hope  it  will 
be  Mr.  de  Mattos.' 

MR.  AUGUSTINE  BIRRELL,  K.C.,  M.P.,  in  the  Westminster  Gazette  :  '  This 
excellent  translation." 

Pall  Mall  Gazette  :  '  There  is  reason  to  congratulate  Mr.  de  Mattos  on  the 
grace  and  fluency  of  his  translation,  and  on  the  careful  accuracy  of  his 
numerous  footnotes.' 

Times :  '  Mr.  Alexander  Teixeira  de  Mattos's  excellent  rendering  ot 
Chateaubriand's  Memoires  d'Outre-tembe.' 

Observer  :  '  Mr.  A.  Teixeira  de  Mattos  is  to  be  congratulated  upon  this 
first  instalment  of  a  remarkable  achievement.  ...  A  worthy  translation.  .  .  . 
So  admirable  an  English  version  as  is  given  by  the  zeal  and  talent  of  Mr.  de 

Daily  Telegraph  :  '  A  valuable  and  scholarly  translation  .  .  .  elucidated 
by  concise  and  sufficient  footnotes  wherever  necessary.' 

Tablet  :  '  Both  translator  and  publisher  have  performed  their  task  well.  .  .  . 
Mr.  de  Mattos  set  himself  to  make  a  conscientiously  correct  and  respectful 
translation  of  a  great  original,  and  he  has  given  us  so  excellent  a  rendering,  so 
adequately  and  beautifully  produced  and  illustrated  by  the  publishers,  that  we 
await  the  remaining  volumes  with  the  greatest  interest.' 




The  History  of  the  King's  Bodyguard 
of  the  Yeomen  of  the  Guard 

Instituted  by  King  Henry  VII.  in  the  Year  1485  under  the  title  of 
'•Valecti  Garde  Corporis  Nostri' 









The  Edition,  which  will  contain  some  seventy  coloured  plates, 
photogravures,  collotype  plates,  etc.,  will  be  strictly  limited  to  300 
copies  for  sale  and  1 5  copies  for  presentation.  The  names  of  sub- 
scribers before  going  to  press  will  be  printed  in  the  volume.  The 
price  of  the  volume  will  be  £3  31.  net  to  subscribers  before  publication, 
after  which  the  right  is  reserved  to  raise  the  price. 
The  History  will  consist  of : — 

I.  Brief  account  of  the  Bodyguards  of  the  Kings  of  England 

from  Canute  to  Richard  III. 

II.  Creation  of  the  '  Yeomen  of  the  Guard  '  by  Henry  VII.  on 
or  about  the  22nd  August,  1485. 

III.  The    Guard's    first    title,   its    first    establishment,   the   first 

Captain  and  Officers,  its  original  dress,  weapons,  pay,  and 

IV.  History  of  the  Guard  at  Home  and  Abroad  for  418  years, 

with  detailed  accounts  of  the  Battles  and  Sieges  at  which 
it  has  been  present,  and  the  principal  Historical  Events  in 
which  it  has  taken  part. 
V.  Historical   Roll   of  the   Officers  1485  to  1903,   and  many 

Muster  Rolls  of  the  Yeomen  at  great  ceremonies. 
These  Historical  Rolls  give  the  dates  of  appointment  verified  from 
the  actual  Warrants  in  the  State  Records,  and  show  that  upwards  of 
200  of  our  oldest  families  have  had  ancestors  amongst   the  Officers, 
many  of  whom  are  renowned  in  English  History. 



The  Church  Plate  of  the 
County  of  Hereford 





Demy  ^to.     Illustrated.     Price   31^.  6d.   net 
Edition  limited  to  250  copies 

This  volume  is  published  with  the  view  to  furnishing  a 
record  of  the  Communion  Vessels  belonging  to  each  Church, 
or  Mission  Church,  in  the  County  of  Hereford,  including  one 
or  two  private  Chapels.  Similar  works  have  already  been 
published  for  several  Counties,  while  in  other  Counties  pro- 
gress is  being  made  with  such  inventories. 

The  size  of  the  book  is  Demy-Quarto,  bound  in  buckram, 
with  17  photogravure  plates,  and  9  half-tone  plates  from 
photographs  and  pen  and  ink  drawings.  The  illustrations 
have  been  prepared  by  Messrs.  T.  &  R.  Annan  and  Sons,  of 
Glasgow.  The  Parishes  are  alphabetically  arranged  for  easy 
reference,  and  the  name  of  the  Parish  is  printed  under  the 
vessel  pictured  in  each  illustration. 

An  Inventory  of  Church  Goods  in  this  County,  as  returned 
by  King  Edward  VI. 's  Commissioners  in  1552—53,  is  included 
as  an  appendix,  being  the  first  time  these  returns  have  been 
published  in  their  entirety  for  this  County. 




A  Volume  of  Hitherto  Unpublished  Autograph 
Works  by 



HER  LATE  MAJESTY  QUEEN  VICTORIA  graciously  accepted  the 
Dedication  of  the  Volume  scarcely  a  month  before  her  lamented  death. 

The  title-page  is  an  exact  collotype  reproduction,  mutatis  mutandis, 
of  the  beautiful  title-page  specially  designed  and  engraved  for  the  folio 
edition  of  the  king's  works,  published  under  his  own  supervision  in 
1616.  The  text  is  accompanied  by  several  Collotype  Reproductions 
of  the  pages  of  the  book,  and  by  the  courteous  permission  of  Sir  Robert 
Gresley,  Baronet,  the  frontispiece  is  a  fine  portrait  of  King  James, 
which  has  never  hitherto  been  published. 

Of  this  unique  and  highly  interesting  work  275  copies  only  have 
been  printed,  of  which  250  numbered  copies  only  arc  for  sale.  13  x  gi 
inches.  Price  425.  net. 

ATHENMVM  :  '  These  are  for  literary  history  nothing  short  of  treasure  trove.  .  .  .  The 
poems  interest  chiefly  because  they  are  history.  A  very  pleasant  reflection  of  the  man  and 
his  time.  Mr.  Rait  is  to  be  complimented.' 

DAILT  NEK'S  :  « Messrs.  Archibald  Constable  &  Co.  have  produced  Mr.  Rail's  edition  of 
Luiia  Rtgiut  in  a  most  sumptuous  form.  It  contains  a  portrait  of  the  Royal  author,  Jamet  I., 
which  has  only  been  privately  reproduced  before  ;  the  original  design  eiecuted  for  the  title- 
page  of  1616  ;  and  several  MSS.,  now  published  for  the  first  time  from  a  copy  found  in  the 
Bodleian  Library,  and  evidently  written  by  the  dreamy  son  of  Mary  Stuart  and  Lord  Darnley 
in  his  earlier  yean.  They  all  show  traces  of  the  influence  of  his  tutors,  George  Buchanan 
and  Sir  Peter  Seaton,  in  an  artificial  atmosphere  of  their  humanistic  pedantry  ;  but  they  place 
the  character  of  the  king  in  a  somewhat  novel  and  certainly  attractive  light,  and  the  verses 
"  On  Women  "  arc  a  graceful  proof  of  his  sportsmanlike  knowledge  of  Scotch  natural  history. 
...  In  binding,  type,  and  paper  the  volume  leaves  nothing  to  be  desired.' 

LITERATURE  :  'A  sumptuous  and  beautiful  book  is  LUIUI  Regiui.  .  .  .  The  volume 
is  an  interesting  one,  and  our  best  thanks  are  due  to  the  editor.  Perhaps  the  last  instance  of 
her  late  Majesty's  sentiment  towards  the  Stewarts  was  her  consent  to  accept  the  dedication  of 
this  book,  which  is  now  inscribed  to  her  memory.' 

SCOTSMAN :  « It  is  a  rare,  if  not  unexampled,  thing  that  meritorious  specimens  of 
poetic  art  from  a  kingly  hand  should  have  to  wait  for  some  three  centuries  before  being  given 
to  the  world  ;  and  one  thinks  none  the  worse  of  James  for  having  withheld  some  of  the  fruits 
of  his  "  ingyne  "  from  a  public  that  in  his  day  was  ready  to  applaud  anything  that  he  wrote. 
.  .  .  Great  interest  attaches  to  the  unpublished  MSS.  that  alone  are  printed  and  provided 
with  introductions  by  the  editor  of  the  beautiful  work,  which  Mr.  Rait  has  inscribed  to  the 
memory  of  Queen  Victoria,  who  before  her  death  accepted  the  dedication  of  these  poems  by 
her  "  direct  lineal  ancestor."  ' 



Time  Table  of  Modern 
History  A.D.  400-1870 

Compiled  and  arranged  by  M.  MORISON.      160  pp., 
about  1 5  in.  x  1 2  in.      1 2s.  bd.  net. 

CONTENTS  :— Parallel  Vertical  Tables  —  Genealogical  Tables  —  Ruling 
Monarchs — General  Chart  of  Ancient  and  Modern  History — Index — 
Maps — Europe  showing  the  Barbarian  Invasions  :  Europe,  A.D.  45 1  ; 
Europe,  A.D.  476;  Europe,  A.D.  500;  Europe,  A.D.  768-814;  Europe, 
A.D.  962  ;  Europe  showing  the  spread  of  Christianity,  circa  1000  ; 
Europe,  A.D.  1360;  Europe,  A.D.  1648;  Europe,  A.D.  1740;  Central 
and  Eastern  Europe,  1814-1863. 

The  work  is  an  epitome  of  Modern  History,  400—1870, 
and  constitutes  a  book  of  reference  invaluable  to  historical 
students.  Facts  and  dates  in  the  history,  not  of  Europe 
alone,  but  also  of  Asia  and  America,  are  dealt  with. 

The  tables  consist  of  parallel  vertical  columns,  each  column 
containing  a  history  of  one  of  the  important  nations  of  the 
world  during  the  period  covered. 

The  work  also  contains  a  series  of  the  more  important 
European  Genealogical  Tables,  complete  list  of  ruling 
Monarchs  and  Popes,  a  chart  showing  a  bird's-eye  view  of 
ancient  and  modern  history,  and  a  full  index.  Added  to  these 
are  a  series  of  Maps  showing  the  barbarian  migrations  over 
Europe,  the  spread  of  Christianity  and  the  various  important 
territorial  changes  which  have  taken  place  in  Europe  since  the 
year  400  A.D. 

THE  SCHOOLMASTER  :  '  This  is  a  most  valuable  book  of  reference  for  teachers  and 
students  of  history.  .  .  .  We  can  heartily  recommend  it  as  a  work  of  real  usefulness.' 
THE  ACADEMY  :  'A  most  valuable  book,  and  almost  deserves  the  adjective  "monumen- 
tal." It  is  a  compendium  of  historical  dates  viewed  from  almost  every  possible  aspect.  No 
student  should  think  his  shelves  complete  without  this  uniquely  valuable  book.'  THE 
DAILY  NEWS  :  'To  the  professional  historian  this  volume  will  prove  a  convenient  "  ready 
reckoner "  ;  to  the  amateur  it  will  come  as  a  boon  and  a  blessing.'  WESTMINSTER 
GAZETTE  :  '  The  information  is  given  in  the  clearest  type,  with  ample  margins,  and  as  a 
book  of  reference  it  is  one  of  the  easiest  to  consult  with  the  assurance  of  satisfactory  results." 
THE  GUARDIAN  :  '  Remarkably  accurate.  .  .  .  We  can  conscientiously  recommend  the 
book  as  a  companion  to  the  histories  of  Europe.' 







The  Ancestor